kept been such as to supply the void of education. It has been that of the lowest, the most illiterate and profligate persons of the kingdom, without choice of rank or merit, and with whom the subjects of conversation are only horses, drinking-matches, bawdy-houses, and in terms the most vulgar. The young nobility, who begin by associating with him, soon leave him, disgusted with the insupportable profligacy of his society; and Mr. Fox, who has been supposed his favorite, and not over nice in the choice of company, would never keep his company habitually. In fact, he never associated with a man of sense. He has not a single idea of justice, morality, religion, or of the rights of man, nor any anxiety for the opinion of the world. He carries that indifference of fame so far, that he would probably not be hurt were he to lose his throne, provided he could be assured of having always meat, drink, horses, and women. In the article of women, nevertheless, he has become more correct since his connexion with Mrs. Fitzherbert, who is an honest and worthy woman. He is even less scrupulous than he was. He had a fine person, but it is becoming coarse. He possesses good native common sense; is affable, polite, and very good humored, saying to my informant, on another occasion, "Your friend such a one dined with me yesterday, and I made him damned drunk." He replied, "I am sorry for it; I had heard that your royal highness had left off drinking." The Prince laughed, tapped him on the shoulder very good naturedly, without saying a word, or ever after showing any displeasure. The Duke of York, who was for sometime cried up as the prodigy of the family, is as profligate, and of less understanding. To these particular traits, from a man of sense and truth, it would be superfluous to add the general terms of praise or blame, in which he is spoken of by other persons, in whose impartiality and penetration I have less confidence. A sample is better than a description. For the peace of Europe, it is best that the King should give such gleamings of recovery, as would prevent the Regent or his Ministry from thinking themselves firm, and yet that he should not recover. This country advances with a steady pace towards the establishment of a constitution whereby the people will resume the greatness of those powers so fatally lodged in the hands of the King. During the sessions of the Notables, and after their votes against the rights of the people, the Parliament of Paris took up the subject and passed a vote in opposition to theirs, (which I send you;) this was not their genuine

sentiment. It was a manœuvre of the young members, who are truly well disposed, taking advantage of the accidental absence of many old members, and bringing others over by the clause which, while it admits the negative of the States General in legislation, reserves still to the Parliament the right of enregistering; that is to say, another negative. The Notables persevered in their opinion. The Princes of the blood (Monsieur and the Duke d'Orleans excepted) presented and published a memoir, threatening scission. The Parliament were proposing to approve of that memoir, (by way of rescinding their former vote,) and were prevented from it by the threat of a young member to impeach (denoncer) the memoir and the princes who have signed it. The vote of the Notables, therefore, remaining balanced by that of the Parliament, the voice of the nation becoming loud and general for the rights of the tiers état, a strong probability, that if they were not allowed one half the representation, they would send up their members with express instructions to agree to no tax, to no adoption of the public debts, and the Court really wishing to give them a moiety of the representation. This was decided on ultimately. You are not to suppose that these dispositions of the Court proceed from any love of the people or justice towards their rights. Courts love the people always as wolves do the sheep. The fact is this, the Court wants money. From the tiers état they cannot get it, because they are already squeezed to the last drop. The clergy and the nobles, by their privileges and influence, have hitherto screened their property in a great degree from public contribution. That half of the orange then remains yet to be squeezed, and for this operation there is no agent powerful enough but the people. They are, therefore, brought forward as the favorites of the Court, and will be supported by them. The moment of crisis will be the meeting of the States, because their first act will be to decide whether they shall vote by persons or by orders. The clergy will leave nothing unattempted to obtain the latter, for they see that the spirit of reformation will not confine itself to the political, but will extend to the ecclesiastical establishment also. With respect to the nobles, the younger members are generally for the people, and the middle-aged are daily coming over to the same side, so that by the time the States meet, we may hope there will be a majority of that body also in favor of the people, and consequently for voting by persons, and not orders.

You will perceive, by the report of M. Necker, (in the gazette of France:) 1st. A renewal of the renunciation of the power of imposing a new tax by the King, and a like renunciation of the power to continue any old one. 2d. An acknowledgment that the States are to appropriate the public moneys, which will go to the binding the Court to a civil list. 3d. A consent to the periodical meeting of the States. 4th. To consider of the restriction of which lettres de cachet are susceptible. 5th. The degree of liberty to be given to the press. 6th. A bill of rights. 7th. There is a passage. which looks towards the responsibility of Ministers. Nothing is said of communicating to them a share in the legislation. The Ministry, perhaps, may be unwilling to part with this, but it will be insisted on in the States. The letters of convocation will not appear till towards the latter end of the month; neither time nor place are yet declared, but Versailles is talked of, and we may well presume that some time in April may be fixed on. In the mean time, M. Necker gets money to keep the machine in motion. Their funds rose slowly but steadily till within these few days that there was a small check. However, they stand very well, and will rise. The caisse d'escompte lent the Government twenty-five millions two days ago. The navy of this country sustained a heavy loss lately by the death of the Bailli de Suffrein. He was appointed Generallissimo of the Atlantic, when war was hourly expected with England, and is certainly the officer on whom the nation would have reposed its principal hopes in such a case. We just now hear of the death of the Speaker of the House of Commons before the nomination of a regent, which adds a new embarrassment to the reëstablishment of Government in England.

Since writing mine of November 29th, yours of the 23d of September came to hand. As the General of the Mathurins was to be employed in the final redemption of our captives, I thought that their previous support had better be put into his hands, and conducted by himself, in such a way as not to counterwork his plan of redemption, whenever we can enable him to begin on it. I gave him full powers as to the amount and manner of subsisting them. He has undertaken it, informing me, at the same time, that it will be on a very low scale, to avoid suspicion of its coming from the public. He spoke of but three sous a day per man, as being sufficient for their physical necessaries, more than which he thinks it not advisable

to give. I have no definitive answer yet from our bankers, whether we may count on the whole million last agreed to be borrowed, but I have no doubt of it, from other information, though I have not their formal affirmative. The gazettes of Leyden and France to this date accompany this.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, January 14, 1789.

In

Sir,

my

letter of the 11th I have said nothing of the arrêt explanatory of that of September 28th, on the subject of whale oils, which my letter of November 19th gave you reason to expect; though this explanatory arrêt has been passed so long ago as the 7th of December, it had not been possible for me to obtain an authentic copy of it till last night. I now enclose that to you, with a copy of a letter to me, from Mr. Necker, on the subject. The reception of our oils in the mean time, is provided for by an intermediate order. You will observe that in the arrêt it is said to be passed "provisoirement," and that Mr. Necker expressly holds up to us, in his letter, a repeal whenever the national fishery supplies their wants. The arrêt, however, is not limited in its duration, and we have several chances against its repeal. It may be questioned whether Mr. Necker thinks the fishery worth the expense. It may be well questioned whether, with or without encouragement, the nation whose navigation is least economical of all in Europe, can ever succeed in the whale fishery, which calls for the most rigorous economy. It is hoped that a share in the legislation will pass immediately into the hands of the States General, so as to be no longer in the power of the commis of a bureau, or even of his Minister, to smuggle a law through unquestioned; and we may even hope that the national demand for this oil will increase faster than both their and our fisheries together will supply. But in spite of all these hopes, if the English should find means to cover their oils under our name, there will be great danger of a repeal. It is essential, then, that our Government take effectual measures to prevent the English from obtaining genuine sea-papers, and that they enable their Consuls in the ports of France (as soon as they shall be named) to detect counterfeit papers, and that we

convince this Government that we use our best endeavors with good faith, as it is clearly our interest to do; for the rivalship of the English is the only one we have to fear. It had already begun to render our oils invendible in the ports of France. You will observe that Mr. Necker renews the promise of taking off the ten sous pour livre at the end of the next year.

Oczakow is at length taken by assault. The assailants were fourteen thousand, and the garrison twelve thousand, of whom seven thousand were cut to pieces before they surrendered. The Russians lost three thousand men. This is the Russian version, of which it is safe to believe no part-but that Oczakow is taken..

The Speaker of the English House of Commons having died suddenly, they have chosen Mr. Grenville, a young man of twentyseven years of age. This proves that Mr. Pitt is firm with the present Parliament.

I have the honor to send you a copy of the arrêt which has just been returned to the Council to explain the one of the 28th of September last, to except from the prohibitions therein contained whale bone, whale oil, spermaceti, and fish oil, arising from the fisheries of the United States of America, and imported into France in vessels belonging to the subjects of the United States or France. These articles will continue to be entered as heretofore, agreeably to the dispositions of the arrét of the 29th December last, that is to say, subject to the duty of 77. 10s. per barrel of oil weighing five hundred and twenty pounds, and 6l. 13s. 4d. per quintal of whale bone, and 10 sols per livre, (over and above both duties,) which shall cease on the last of December, 1790. His Majesty is always disposed to favor as far as possible the commerce of the United States, but he is bound to give a preference to the national commerce; and it would be contrary to the spirit of justice which inspires him, were he to allow the importation of foreign oils whenever the national fishery shall be adequate to the supply of the