continue the Government in its former train, reserving to himself the power of taxation. Here the tax gatherers might be resisted by the people. In fine, it is but too possible that between parties so animated the King may incline the balance as he pleases. Happy, that he is an honest, unambitious man, who desires neither money nor power for himself; and that his most operative Minister, though he has appeared to trim a little, is still, in the main, a friend to public liberty.

Orders from

The interest

I mentioned to you, in a former letter, the construction which our bankers at Amsterdam had put on the resolution of Congress appropriating the last Dutch loan, by which the money for our captives would not be furnished till the end of the year 1790. the Board of Treasury have now settled this question. of the next month is to be first paid, and after that the money for the captives and foreign officers, is to be furnished before any other payment of interest; this ensures it when the next February interest becomes payable. My representations to them, on account of the contracts I had entered into for making the medals, have produced from them the money for that object, which is to be lodged in the hands of M. Grand.

Mr. Necker, in his discourse, proposes, among his bonifications of revenue, the suppression of our two free ports, Bayonne and L'Orient, which, he says, occasion a loss of six hundred thousand livres annually, to the Crown, by contraband. (The speech being not yet printed, I state this only as it struck my ear when he delivered it. If I have mistaken it, I beg you to receive this as my apology, and to consider what follows as written on that idea only.) I have never been able to see that these free ports were worth one copper to us. To Bayonne our trade never went, and it is leaving L'Orient. Besides, the right of entrepôt is a perfect substitute for the right of free port. The latter is a little less troublesome only to the merchants and captains. I should think, therefore, that a thing so useless to us, and prejudicial to them, might be relinquished by us, on the common principles of friendship. I know the merchants of these ports will make a clamor, because the franchise covers their contraband with all the world. Has Monsieur de Moustier said any thing to you on this subject? It has never been mentioned to me. If not mentioned in either way, it is rather an indecent proceeding, considering that this right of free port is founded in treaty. I shall

ask of M. de Montmorin, on the first occasion, whether he has communicated this to you through his Minister; and if he has not, I will endeavor to notice the infraction to him in such a manner as neither to reclaim nor abandon the right of free port, but leave our Government free to do either.

The gazettes of France and Leyden, as usual, will accompany this. I am in hourly expectation of receiving from you my leave of absence, and keep my affairs so arranged that I can leave Paris within eight days after receiving the permission.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, May 12, 1789.

Sir,

I am this moment returned from Versailles, and it is the last moment allowed me to write by this occasion. The tiers état remain unshaken in their resolution to do no business with the other orders but voting by persons. The Nobles are equally determined, and by a majority of four-fifths or five-sixths, to vote only by orders. Committees of accommodation, indeed, are appointed, but with little prospect of effect. Already the minority of the Nobles begin to talk of abandoning their body, and going to take their places among the Tiers. Perhaps they may be followed by the timid part of their order; and it might be hoped by a majority of the Clergy, which still remain undebauched by the Bishops. This would form a States General of the whole Tiers, a majority of the Clergy, and a fraction of the Nobles. This may be considered, then, as one of the possible issues this matter may take, should reconciliation be impracticable. I am able to speak now more surely of the situation of the Emperor. His complaint is pulmonary-the spitting of blood is from the lungs; the hemorrhage which came on was critical, and relieved him for the moment, but the relief was momentary only. There is little expectation he can last long. The King of England's voyage to Hanover is spoken of more doubtfully. This would be an indication that his complaint is better, or, at least, not worse. I find, on receiving Mr. Necker's discourse in print, that he has not proposed, in direct terms, to put down our free ports. The VOL. II.-19

expression is "on se borne en ce moment a vous faire observer," &c. I spoke on the subject with M. de Montmorin to-day, and he says they meant and mean to confer with me on it before my departure. 1 spoke to him also to bring Schweighauser's and Dobrée's affair to a conclusion, and to M. Rayneval on the same subject. They told me they had just received a letter from the Count de la Luzerne, justifying the detention of our stores; that they were so much dissatisfied with the principles he advanced, that they should take upon themselves to combat and protest against them, and to insist on a clear establishment of the rule that the property of one sovereign within the dominions of another is not liable to the territorial jurisdiction. They have accordingly charged one of their ablest counsel with the preparation of a memoir to establish this point.

I had the honor of addressing you on the 9th and 12th of May, by the way of London. This goes through the same channel, to the care of Mr. Trumbull. Having received no letter from you of later date than the 25th of November, I am apprehensive that there may have been miscarriages, and the more so, as I learn through another channel, that you have particularly answered mine of November the 19th.

The death of the Grand Seignor, which has happened, renders the continuance of the war more probable, as it has brought to the throne a successor of a more active and ardent temper, and who means to put himself at the head of his armies. He has declared the Captain Pacha his Generalissimo. The prospects for Russia, on the other hand, are less encouraging. Her principal ally, the Emperor, is at death's door, blazing up a little, indeed, from time to time, like an expiring taper, but certainly to extinguish soon. Denmark, too, is likely to be restrained by the threat of England and Prussia from contributing even her stipulated naval succors. It is

some time since I have been able to obtain any account of the King of England, on which I can rely with confidence. His melancholy continues, and to such a degree as to render him absolutely indifferent to every thing that passes, so that he seems willing to let his Ministers do every thing they please, provided they will let him alone. When forced to speak, his comprehension seems better than it was in the first moments after his phrenzy went off. His health is bad; he does not go into public at all, and very few are admitted to see him. This is his present state, according to the best accounts I have been able to get lately. His Ministers dictate boldly in the north, because they know it is impossible they should be engaged in war, while this country is so completely palsied.

You will have seen, by my former letters, that the question whether the States General should vote by persons or by orders, had stopped their proceedings in the very first instance in which it could occur; that is, as to the ratification of their powers; and that they had appointed committees to try if there were any means of accommodation. These could do nothing. The King then proposed they should appoint others, to meet persons whom he should name on the same subject. These conferences also proved ineffectual. He then proposed a specific mode of verifying. The clergy accepted it unconditionally. The Noblesse, with such conditions and modifications as did away their acceptance altogether. The commons, considering this as a refusal, came to the resolution of the 10th instant, (which I have the honor to send you,) inviting the two other orders to come and take their places in the common room, and notifying that they should proceed to the verification of powers, and to the affairs of the nation, either with or without them.

The Clergy have, as yet, given no answer. A few of their members have accepted the invitation of the Commons, and have presented themselves in their room to have their powers verified; but how many it will detach, in the whole, from that body, cannot be known till an answer be decided on. The Noblesse adhered to their former resolutions, and even the minority, well disposed to the Commons, thought they could do more good in their own chamber, by endeavoring to increase their numbers, and fettering the measures of the majority, than by joining the Commons. An intrigue was set on foot between the leaders of the majority in that house, the Queen, and Princes. They persuaded the King to go for some time to

Marly. He went. On the same day the leaders moved in the Chambers of the Noblesse that they should address the King, to declare his own sentiments on the great questions between the orders. It was intended that this address should be delivered to him at Marly, where, separated from his Ministers, and surrounded by the Queen and Princes, he might be surprised into a declaration for the nobles. The motion was lost, however, by a very great majority, that Chamber being not yet quite ripe for throwing themselves into the arms of despotism. Necker and Montmorin, who had discovered this intrigue, had warned some of the minority to defeat it, or they could not answer for what would happen. These two, and St. Priest, are the only members of the Council in favor of the Commons. Luzerne, Puy-Segur, and the others, are high aristocrats. The Commons having verified their powers, a motion was made the day before yesterday to declare themselves constituted and to proceed to business. I left them at two o'clock yesterday, the debate not then finished. They differed only about forms of expression, but agreed in the substance, and probably decided yesterday, or will decide to-day. The next move, I fancy, will be to suppress all taxes, and instantly reëstablish them till the end of their session, in order to prevent a premature dissolution; and then they will go to work on a declaration of rights and a constitution. The Noblesse, I suppose, will be employed altogether in counter operations; the Clergy, that is to say, the higher clergy, and such of the curés as they can bring over to their side, will be waiting and watching merely to keep themselves in their saddles. Their deportment hitherto is that of meekness and cunning. The fate of the nation depends on the conduct of the King and his Ministers. Were they to side openly with the Commons, the revolution would be completed without a convulsion by the establishment of a constitution totally free, and in which the distinction of Noble and Commoner would be suppressed. But this is scarcely possible. The King is honest, and wishes the good of his people; but the expediency of an hereditary aristocracy is too difficult a question for him. On the contrary, his prejudices, his habits, and his connexions decide him in his heart to support it. Should they decide openly for the Noblesse, the Commons, after suppressing taxes, and finishing their declaration of rights, would probably go home; a bankruptcy takes place in the instant, Mr. Necker must go out, a resistance to the