negroes

to remove to Kentucky and other places, where they could never be come at. I told him that this was new to me, but that Kentucky and all other new settlements were under the laws and jurisdiction of some State as I supposed, and, therefore, the debtor and his property would be within the reach of the creditor as much as if he remained in the cities and old settlements, and as those removals commonly advanced the fortunes of the emigrants, it might be rather a benefit to their creditors by increasing the ability to pay. I subjoined that there were two things which fell very hard upon the debtors in the States of Virginia and New York, (for he had mentioned these particularly,) one was the great number of which had been carried away. If these negroes had been restored according to the treaty, they would have been at work to earn money to pay their masters' debts; but the carrying them off was a double loss to the owner, and the holding possession of the posts upon the frontiers had kept out of our hands a valuable trade, which would have gone a great way to enable us to pay our debts. He said he thought it a very foolish thing to hold possession of the posts, &c. That he would venture to return to Scotland, and would take no more measures about applying to Parliament, which he was sensible must excite a clamor, and he hoped the merchants of Glasgow would be contented to wait. He seemed to be well pleased with the conversation, and took his leave in good humor, so that I think it very lucky that so noisy a business as a petition to Parliament should be so easily diverted at this critical moment.

But I am unfortunate in another respect, as my Lord Caermarthen is ill of a fever, so that I shall not, I fear, be able to commence conferences with him upon business so soon as hoped. No time shall be lost by me.

With great and sincere esteem, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,

FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office for Foreign Affairs, August 3, 1785.

I have had the honor to receive and communicate to Congress your letters of the 15th December, 1784, 13th and 24th April, 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 13th, 29th May, which enclosed your correspondence with Lord Caermarthen, 30th May and 1st June.

April 24.-Congress are pleased to hear that you have completed the loan in Holland; but have not directed me to say any thing of opening a new one. I wish I could answer you that the exertions of the States to provide for the payment of the public debts were proportionate to the public exigencies. At present they are not; but we flatter ourselves that our expectations on that head will yet be realized, and that the different Legislatures, at their ensuing sessions, will see the necessity of adopting more efficient measures than have hitherto been taken.

I am entirely of opinion with you that the people of this country should, by a punctilious observance of the treaty, enable you to insist with more propriety than energy on its being kept with equal good faith by Britain. The case of the refugees is a delicate subject, and my sentiments respecting it perfectly correspond with yours.

The obliging terms in which you mentioned my appointment to this office demand my warmest acknowledgments. Be assured my endeavors shall not be wanting, so to conduct the business of this department as to confirm the opinion you entertain of my attention to it.

There is reason to believe that the demand of Mr. Longchamps will not be persisted in.

May 4th.-I presume you will not receive a letter of recall from your legation to the Hague until a successor shall be appointed. Governor Livingston was elected, but declined; and the answer of Governor Rutledge, who has since been appointed, is not yet arrived. Perhaps circumstances may admit of your making a trip to the Hague to take leave in form. If not a letter mentioning, in general terms, the obstacles which detain you would probably be satisfactory to their High Mightinesses.

The calamities experienced and apprehended by France from the unseasonable weather of the late spring are severe, and must naturally have the tendency you remark. I am happy to inform you that this country enjoys a plentiful harvest.

May 8th.-If Britain should object to the powers of Congress to form treaties of commerce, it will probably be for the purpose of delay. There is no reason to suspect that the different States even wish to send Ministers to foreign Powers in any other way than the one directed by the Confederation. Nor is it more probable that

Congress will refer their proper business to the deliberation and discussion of the different Legislatures; for such references would sap the foundation of Federal Government. Whether any and what measures may be necessary to obviate the difficulties you allude to on those points, will best be decided when the nature and extent of them can be ascertained. Your conferences with the Minister will soon put you in capacity to remove all doubts on that head.

May 13th.-The attention paid you by the Duke of Dorset strikes me as marks of his good sense; and the cautious manner in which he compared notes with you, shews that much is not to be expected from his frankness; but whatever may be the intentions of his Court as to our frontiers, &c., and in whatever degree of silence and mystery they may wish to involve their designs, your first conversation with the Minister on these heads must furnish you at least with a clue to them.

The expenses of the presentation of yourself and family will doubtless be considerable, and I have long been of opinion that your salary is not equal to what the expenses of a Minister ought to be; for custom and fashion often exact a tribute, which, however just and virtuous to refuse, is often very expedient to pay. In short, your salary is more than what a private gentleman may, with care, live decently upon, but is less than is necessary to enable you to live as other Ministers usually and generally do. Whether Congress will make any alterations in this respect is very uncertain. There are men in all the States who make a merit of saving money in small matters, without sufficiently attending to the consequences of it.

May 29th.-I congratulate you sincerely on your arrival in London; and think you were very right in settling all matters of etiquette with the Marquis of Caermarthen previous to your presentation. A letter of credence to the Queen was, I believe, neither heard nor thought of here. I think it would be well to make further inquiries respecting that matter; so that we may form some judgment of the usual tenor and contents of such letters. I wish you had informed me whether such a letter could, with propriety, yet be sent you, or whether it would be better to be silent about the omission, and only take care not to repeat it on a future occasion. Your opinion would be the more decisive, because you may learn with certainty whether such a letter is yet expected from Congress. At any rate, I think it would be well to give assurances that the

omission proceeded not from want of respect, but for want of information; for that, undoubtedly, was the fact.

May 30th.-Your communicating to the Danish Minister a copy of the resolution of the 21st March was rendered very proper by M. de St. Saphorin's having been recalled.

On the 25th March last, the papers you alluded to respecting the Morocco business were forwarded to Captain Lamb, by a messenger whom we sent for them. At what time exactly he sailed, I am not informed, though I am persuaded it must have been very soon after the return of his messenger.

June 1st.-It gives me pleasure to hear that your reception at St. James's was such as you represent it. I flatter myself that the difficulties you expect to encounter will be surmounted by the like address and temperate perseverance which gave success to your negotiations in Holland.

I hope by the next conveyance to be enabled to communicate to you some directions of Congress respecting the payment of the salaries of yourself and the other public Ministers and servants in Europe. I made a report on that subject to Congress the 1st April last, which is still under their consideration.

You will receive some of our latest newspapers, and the Journal of Congress from the 1st March to 19th June last.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN JAY.

Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Bath Hotel, Westminster, June 10, 1785.

Yesterday, the 9th of the month, I was presented to the Queen by my Lord Ailesbury, her Lord Chamberlain, having been attended to his Lordship and introduced to him by the master of the ceremonies. The Queen was attended by her ladies, and I made my compliments to her Majesty in the following words:

"Madam: Among the many circumstances which have rendered 'my mission to his Majesty desirable to me, I have ever considered 'it as a principal one that I should have an opportunity of making 'my court to a great Queen, whose royal virtues and talents have 'ever been acknowledged and admired in America, as well as in all

'nations of Europe, as an example to princesses, and the glory of 'her sex. Permit me, madam, to recommend to your Majesty's 'royal goodness, a rising empire and an infant virgin world. Another 'Europe, madam, is rising in America. To a philosophical mind like your Majesty's there cannot be a more pleasing contemplation than this prospect of doubling the human species, and augmenting, ' at the same time, their prosperity and happiness. It will in future 'ages be the glory of these kingdoms to have peopled that country, ' and to have sown there those seeds of science, of liberty, of virtue, and permit me, madam, to add, of piety, which alone constitute 'the prosperity of nations, and the happiness of the human race.

"After venturing upon such high insinuations to your Majesty, it 'seems to be descending too far to ask, as I do, your Majesty's royal indulgence to a person who is indeed unqualified for Courts, ' and who owes his elevation to his distinguished honor of standing 'before your Majesty not to any circumstances of illustrious birth, 'fortune, or abilities, but merely to an ardent devotion to his native 'country, and some little industry and perseverance in her ser'vice."

The Queen answered me in these words:

"I thank you, sir, for your civilities to me and my family, and am 'glad to see you in this country."

The Queen then asked me if I had provided myself with a house. I answered, "I have agreed for one, madam, this morning." She then made her courtesy, and I made my reverence and retired into the drawing-room, when the King, Queen, Princess Royal, and the younger Princess, her sister, all spoke to me very obligingly. I attended until the drawing-room was over, and then returned home.

It has been necessary, in order to guard against false reports and malicious fictions, to reduce to writing what was said in my audience of the King and Queen; and it is the custom of all Ministers to transmit these compliments to their Courts.

I transmit them to you in cypher, that they may be exposed to as little criticism as possible, as the Court knew very well that the eyes of all nations were fixed upon these audiences. It may be fairly concluded from them that it is the intention of the Royal family, and of Ministers, to treat America like other foreign Powers; but our inferences can go no further. We cannot infer from this that