It may be reasonably concluded that this great affair cannot be finished for much less than two hundred thousand pounds sterling. There is no place in Europe or America where Congress can obtain such a sum but in Holland; perhaps a loan for two millions of guilders might be filled in Amsterdam upon the terms of the last. If it is not done, this war will cost us more millions of sterling money in a short time; besides the miserable depression of the reputation of the United States, the cruel embarrassment of all our commerce, and the intolerable burthen of insurance, added to the cries of our countrymen in captivity. The probable success of Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lamb need not be pointed out. If a perpetual peace were made with these States, the character of the United States would instantly rise all over the world, our commerce, navigation, and fisheries would extend into the Mediterranean, to Spain and Portugal, France and England. The additional profits would richly repay the interest, and our credit would be adequate to all our wants. Colonel Smith is gone to Paris. He departed yesterday. By the sixth article of the Confederation, "no State, without the consent of 'the United States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy 'to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, 'agreement, alliance, or treaty with any King, Prince, or State." All the States are so deeply interested in this case, that surely no separate State can have occasion to move for the consent of Congress upon this occasion; but if, unexpectedly, Congress should not agree to treat, there are several States in the Union so deeply interested in navigation, that it would richly compensate each of them to go to the whole extent of two hundred thousand pounds to obtain peace; nevertheless, a single State might obtain peace and security for its ships at a much cheaper rate. With great and sincere esteem, &c., JOHN ADAMS. Sir, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Grosvenor Square, February 26, 1786. The Envoy from Portugal has received from his Court an answer to his despatches, relative to the treaty with the United States, and the enclosed extract from it, which has been delayed some time by the sickness of the Chevalier de Freire, the Portuguese Secretary of Legation, that Minister did me the honor to deliver to me two days ago, with his request that it might be transmitted to Congress. At the same time he delivered me the enclosed state of the trade between the United States and Portugal the last year. When Mr. Jefferson arrives we shall endeavor to finish this business. The proposition of sending and receiving a Minister has been many times made before. Congress will, no doubt, answer this which is now made, formally and officially. The regard which is due from one sovereign to another, and, indeed, common decency, seems to require it. To refuse it would be thought surprising; indeed, according to all the rules of politeness between nations and sovereigns, it ought to be left at the option of her most faithful Majesty to send what grade of public Minister she shall judge proper, and assurances should be given of the most amicable disposition of Congress to receive him with all the respect due to his sovereign, and to send a Minister to her Majesty of equal character. The United States are at this moment suffering severely for want of an equitable adjustment of their affairs with the Powers of Europe and Africa, which can never be accomplished but by conforming to the usages established in the world. If the United States would come to the resolution to prohibit all foreign vessels from coming to their ports, and confine all exports and imports to their own ships and seamen, they would do, for any thing that I know, the wisest thing which human prudence could dictate; but then the consequence would be obvious: they must give up the most of their commerce, and live by their agriculture. In this case they might recall their Ministers, and send no more. On the other hand, if the United States would adopt the principle of the French economists, and allow the ships and merchants of all nations equal privileges with their own citizens, they need not give themselves any further trouble about treaties or Ambassadors. The consequence, nevertheless, would be the sudden annihilation of all their manufactures and navigation. We should have the most luxurious set of farmers that ever existed, and should not be able to defend our sea-coast against the insults of a pirate. As these are the two extremes that we know Americans will never consent to, we must vindicate our own manufactures and navigation by legislation at home and negotiation abroad; and, therefore, the prejudices against exchanges of public Ministers will be found some of the most pernicious that ever have arisen among American citizens. Laws at home must be made in conformity to the state of affairs abroad, which can never be known to Congress but by Ambassadors. With great respect, &c., JOHN ADAMS. Extract of a Letter from M. de Melho e Castro, Minister and Secretary of State of her most faithful Majesty, to the Chevalier del Pinto, Minister of her said Majesty at the Court of London. Sir, Lisbon, January 4, 1786. You may candidly reply to the observations of Mr. Adams, that, as to the permission of selling American vessels in the ports of this kingdom, there does not exist the least difficulty; that privilege being common, at present, for all nations, under certain regulations and established principles. But as to the article of flour, it appears very singular here that it should be insisted on as a capital point, and considered as an essential obstacle to the accomplishment of a treaty of commerce between the two States. One would imagine that the subjects of the United States ought to be fully satisfied with the advantages which they already derive from the sale of their grain in Portugal, and would not envy the poor people of this Kingdom the small benefit arising from the manufacture. This regulation, therefore, is so just in its principles and impartial in its effects, that none of the European nations accustomed to a like trade have said anything against it, and that even Russia, whose transportation and navigation are much more difficult, has not thought proper to make any objection; besides, custom, which regulates everything, demonstrates that the difficulties mentioned are specious, since the greatest part of the American vessels which have entered at Lisbon in the course of the last year were laden with grain from North America; and you will be able to judge yourself, by the representation herewith enclosed, what great advantages this growing commerce promises, and the consequences that will result therefrom to Portugal and the United States. After what I have just said to you, sir, it remains only for me to make two observations as simple as sincere: 1st. That the prohibition in question has been an universal and economical law, the intent of which cannot give offence to any nation in particular. 2d. That Portugal had not yet any commercial connexions with the United States of North America when such a law was promulgated, or those which prohibit the introduction of rice and foreign indigo in these dominions. It is, therefore, with very great surprise that the Court of Lisbon has just been informed of the proceedings of the State of Pennsylvania with respect to the wines and fruits of Portugal, by way of making amends, in a manner altogether pointed and directly against this Kingdom, as well as the unmerited difference that the State of South Carolina has made between wines of this Kingdom and those of other countries in laying thereon other and more heavy duties. Such a proceeding with respect to a Power who treats the subjects and merchandizes of the United States without the least distinction of nation, is astonishing, and not conformable with the views of her Majesty to establish with them a system of friendship and commerce as mutual as reciprocal. It is for this reason, sir, that the Queen has charged me to enjoin you to communicate this matter to Mr. Adams, and expressly to solicit that Minister to transmit the same to his sovereign. Her Majesty wishing to give to the United States of America the most unequivocal proofs of her regard and her sincere desire to facilitate every proper means to cement the friendship between the two nations, expects from the justice of these States a revocation of such statutes, and allows them all convenient time for that purpose. But if, contrary to every hope, they persist in supporting them, it cannot be thought ill if her said Majesty takes proper arrangements against such unprovoked, violent, and partial measures. With respect to a reciprocal nomination of Ministers, her Majesty is disposed upon this article to be governed by the intentions of Congress, either to choose simple agents or persons more characterized, her said Majesty will attend to it as soon as she shall be assured that the Congress is disposed to receive them, and to send on their part to Lisbon some other person in the same character. [Delivered to Mr. Adams by the Portuguese Envoy, 24th February, 1786.] Account of Vessels, American and Foreign, coming from the ports of North America, which entered at Lisbon in 1785. N. B. The above 77 vessels brought wheat, Indian corn, peas, tar, rosin, turpentine, cod-fish, ship-timber, staves, and gentian. Second account of Vessels which sailed from the port of Lisbon for North America in the United States. year 1785. American Vessels which sailed from American Vessels for the ports of the |