and show them as much of the respect they required as remained in my power. Accordingly I went, and, making the customary visits to the President, Pensionary, and Secretary, renewed assurances of the friendship, esteem, and respect of the United States for their High Mightinesses and the Republic; and the visit appeared to be kindly received. The exchange of ratifications was soon made with the Baron de Thulemeier, who had time to transmit the act of Congress to the great Prince, who first proposed the treaty some days before he expired. The ratification, under the signature of Frederick the Great, is here enclosed. At the same time, sir, you will receive so much of the substance of a treaty of commerce between France and England as the Ministry have thought fit to publish. This is so great an event, and must have consequences so extensive, that I feel myself incapable of forming any judgment of it, upon the whole. Every treaty of commerce between these nations, for three hundred years, has been found beneficial to France and hurtful to England. But, at present, this nation is very sanguine the advantage will be theirs. They boast of the superior skill of their manufacturers, of the superlative excellence of their manufactures, the multitudes of inventions and machines peculiar to themselves, by which time and labor are saved, and productions sold cheaper than in any other country. A market like France, where five-and-twenty millions of people have occasion for English fabrics, must be a valuable acquisition. Commercial connections, by softening prejudices, may lessen the disposition to war; and a friendship, even an alliance with France, would enable the two nations to govern the world. This is, at present, the style of conversation, and the treaty appears to be popular. France and England are both endeavoring, at this moment, to impose upon each other by professing desires of friendship which they never felt. The secret motive of both is to impose upon the United States of America. The English imagine that, by assuming an appearance of friendship for France, they shall excite a jealousy of France in America, and provoke Congress to break their faith with her. The French are in hopes that, by putting on a show of familiarity with England, they shall stimulate Congress to make them proposals of closer connexions. The whole, at bottom, is a farce of political hypocrisy. The United States will continue steadily, it is to be hoped, on the reserve. England is now pursuing her proposals of treaties of commerce with the Emperor, the Empress of Russia, with Denmark, and Portugal, and, perhaps, Spain. France and the Emperor took the only way to compel England to treat, when they, by their edicts, prohibited British manufactures. The United States must imitate the example, or they will never be attended to. The present appearances of friendship are forced and feigned. The time may not be far distant, however, when we may see a combination of England and the house of Bourbon against the United States. It is not in gloomy moments only, but in the utmost gayety of heart, I cannot get rid of the persuasion that the fair plant of liberty in America must be watered in blood. You have seen enough in Europe to know that these melancholy forebodings are no chimeras. There is such a disposition in the principal Powers who have possessions in the Indies, that our country will find no other resource but to swear her children on the holy altar to fight them all at once in defence of her liberties. It may have some tendency to save us from such extremities, if we enter into treaties with the two Empires; for these will soon be jealous of any connexion between France and England. The Chevalier del Pinto's courier is not yet returned from Lisbon with the treaty. This worthy Minister makes frequent apologies on account of the absence of the Queen in the country, and the unsettled state of the Court; but, perhaps, there may be difficulties which he is not apprized of, or not inclined to mention. Mr. Barclay's treaty with Morocco is not yet come to hand. Congress will, I hope, determine whether we are to send him or any other to Algiers, without more money in his hands. It would cost us three or four thousand pounds, to send any one, and unless he has the power to offer larger presents, he would only make matters worse. I hope our country, in every part of it, will cherish their militia as the apple of their eyes, and put everything in as good a posture of defence as possible, and keep up a constant expectation of war. This is the best and most serious advice that can be given by, dear sir, &c., JOHN ADAMS. FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, January 17, 1787. Dear Sir, Since my last to you of 1st November, I have been favored with yours of 3d and 27th October, 1786. Nothing material has since taken place. Congress have not made a House since the 3d November last. There is a prospect of there soon being one. Until then their foreign, and, indeed, domestic, affairs must continue much at a stand. You will, herewith, receive the public papers. You will soon hear from me again. I am, dear sir, &c., JOHN JAY. FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, February 6, 1787. Dear Sir, Congress at length begins to do business. Seven States are represented, and General St. Clair was, three days ago, chosen President. Since my last to you of 17th ultimo, I have not had the pleasure of receiving any letters from you. You will, herewith, receive a letter from Congress to the Queen of Portugal, which you will be pleased to transmit in the manner suggested in my report, of which you will find a copy enclosed. The Colonel will, I hope, be pleased with the commission. Being persuaded that your instructions to him will comprehend every proper object, I forbear suggesting any hints on that head. A report on your correspondence with Lord Caermarthen, relative to the posts and treaty of peace, was made to Congress on the 13th day of October last, and you shall be informed without delay of the result of their deliberations upon that and other points arising from your letters. As yet no great progress towards a decision on any of them has been made. I find myself too much constrained by the reflection that this letter is to go by the packet to be very particular. With great and sincere esteem, &c., JOHN JAY. Office for Foreign Affairs, January 25, 1787. The Secretary of the United States for the Department of Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred a letter to him from the honorable John Adams, of the 27th June last, informing that the Queen of Portugal had ordered her squadron in the straits to protect the vessels of the United States equally with those of her own subjects, reports: That, in his opinion, as this is a particular mark of her Majesty's friendly disposition, it should be acknowledged in the manner most likely to be pleasing and acceptable. He therefore thinks it would be proper for Congress to write her a letter of the following tenor: "Great and good Friend, "We take the earliest opportunity, since our annual election, of 'presenting to your Majesty our sincere acknowledgments for the friendly regard you have manifested for us, in having ordered your 'squadron in the straits to protect our vessels equally with those of 'Portugal. "Permit us to assure you that we shall retain this mark of generous 'attention in grateful remembrance, and shall omit no opportunity of 'testifying our desire to establish and perpetuate between our two 'countries an intercourse of commerce and good offices, which may 'prove no less beneficial than agreeable to both. "We pray God to bless and preserve your Majesty. Done by the "Congress of the United States, convened at the city of New York, 'the day of —, seventeen hundred and eighty-seven." As this communication was made by the Envoy in London to Mr. Adams, your Secretary thinks this letter should be transmitted to him; and that the compliment would be more delicate if his Secretary was commissioned to carry and deliver it. Perhaps, too, so striking a proof of respect might, among other consequences, promote the conclusion of the treaty. Mr. Adams, in the same letter, takes notice of the question, whether it would not be expedient for the United States to wage war with the hostile Powers of Barbary; but as your Secretary submitted his sentiments on that subject to Congress, in his report of the 20th day of October, 1785, he forbears to repeat them in this. All which is submitted to the wisdom of Congress. JOHN JAY. Dear Sir, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Grosvenor Square, November 30, 1786. Your favor of the 4th of October I have had the honor to receive, and have dispatched the resolution enclosed in it to Paris, to go from thence to Spain; but I hope Mr. Lamb is already on his passage for America. The commotions in New England will terminate in additional strength to Government, and, therefore, they do not alarm me. I have lately received from Lord Caermarthen, officially, the enclosed treaty between France and England. Congress will be able to form a judgment of it with more accuracy than I can pretend to. There is no obvious particular in which it can be prejudicial to At first it appeared to be popular here. At present there is some appearance of opposition. us. There are no symptoms of a more favorable inclination to a treaty with confederated America, although the taxes have fallen short very considerably. Mr. Pitt will be obliged to propose fresh taxes, and the people will bear them; for, in this country, the people universally endeavor to reconcile themselves to their inevitable situation, and to encounter their difficulties with courage and constancy. They know that the interest of their public debt must be paid, or they must be ruined; for nobody ever here is profligate enough even to insinuate that public faith and credit is to be trampled under foot, or trifled with. It is a pity that every American could not be transported to Europe for a few weeks to take a view of the taxes paid in France, Spain, Holland, and England, and see how the people live. It would soon reconcile them to their situation, and make them ashamed to have ever uttered a complaint. The just complaint of the people, of real grievances, ought not to be discouraged; and even their imaginary grievances may be treated with too great severity; but when a cry is set up for the abolition of debts, an equal division of property, and the abolition of Senates and Governors, it is time for every honest man to consider his situation. The people at large will be miserable dupes indeed, if they indulge themselves in slumbers which may give scope to a few of the most worthless in society, in point of morals as well as property, to render their lives, liberties, religion, property, and characters insecure. The laws alone can |