danger of being extinct; and if the old forms are hereafter preserved, the Prince will be so much master in reality, that the friends of liberty must be very unhappy, and live in continual disgrace and danger. The English are arming with all the affectation of spirit and firmness, and France neither moves nor negotiates with the least appearance of fortitude or understanding. To do the former justice, they have had the prudence to send, both to Versailles and the Hague, men of sense and business. England will rise in consideration and power, and France will fall in the eyes of all Europe. This will make the former overbearing, and her people insolent; and France will soon, in my poor opinion at least, be obliged to go to war, or sink very low. The United States of America, instead of being more courted by the English, as they would probably be in case of a war, will rather be more neglected—perhaps treated cavalierly. It is easy to see, however, that the peace cannot continue long between the two European nations; the philosophical visions of perpetual peace, and the religious reveries of a near approach of the millennium, in which all nations are to turn the weapons of war into implements of husbandry, will, in a few years, be dissipated. The armaments now making in England will disarrange Mr. Pitt's boasted plans of economy; and, in short, there is every appearance that the peace of Europe will be for years but an armed truce. The surplus of revenue, so ostentatiously displayed to the public, is but an artful deception. Oh, fortunate Americans! if you did but know your own felicity, instead of trampling on the laws, the rights, the generous plans of power delivered down from your remote forefathers, you should cherish and fortify those noble institutions with filial and religious reverence. Instead of envying the rights of others, every American citizen has cause to rejoice in his own. Instead of violating the security of property, it should be considered as sacred as the commandment, "Thou shalt not steal." Instead of trampling on private honor and public justice, every one who attempts it should be considered as an impious parricide, who seeks to destroy his own liberty and that of his neighbors. What would have become of American liberty, if there had not been more faith, honor, and justice in the minds of their common citizens, than are found in the common people in Europe? Do we see in the Austrian Netherlands, in the United Netherlands, or even in the Parliaments in France, that confidence in one another, and in the common people, which enabled

the people of the United States to go through a revolution? Where is the difference? It is a want of honesty; and if the common people in America lose their integrity, they will soon set up tyrants of their own, or court a foreign one. Laws alone, and those political institutions which are the guardians of them, and a sacred administration of justice, can preserve honor, virtue, and integrity in the minds of the people.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, London, October 9, 1787.

France appears at this moment in the light of a simple people, seriously disposed to peace, benevolence, and humanity; and, adjudging of the dispositions of others by her own, she seems, by her late glory and prosperity, to have been soothed into a security and tranquillity, out of which it is scarce possible to awaken her. England, on the other hand, appears like a nation smarting under her wounds, but covering her designs with a veil of deep dissimulation, while she was exerting her utmost craft to obtain an opportunity of gratifying her resentment. We need not look farther for the cause of the present strange appearances than the diplomatic arrangements of the two nations. Never was there a time when able and attentive men were so necessary for France at the Courts of London and the Hague, as at the late peace. The Count de Vergennes should have sent to both places men of the most enlarged capacities and diligent attention to the whole system of Europe. The Marquis de Verac is as honest a man, and as well intended, as he could have found; but I believe every man who knows him will agree with me, that a gentleman more unqualified for his mission could not have been found. The Comte de Adhemar has an elegant figure, handsome face, and is a favorite of the ladies; but, whether from his unfortunate paralytic stroke, or from his having no turn for the business of State, he appears to have been inattentive, not only to the affairs of Europe in general, but to those of England and Holland. The Spanish Minister has been extremely attentive to make his court to the royal family and the Minister here, and

has been so successful as to obtain the King's request that he might be promoted to the rank of a Marquis at home, and to that of Ambassador here; but, to speak freely to you as I ought, he does not appear to me to know or care much about the system of Europe. The French Chargé, too, who is an ingenious man, and well behaved, has had the good fortune to recommend himself to this Court, so as to be promoted to the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary at their instance. I have ever been upon good terms with all these gentlemen, and have no personal dislike to any of them; but I cannot but see and lament the causes which appear to have contributed to a catastrophe so outrageous to the rights of mankind, and so humiliating to the best friends we have or ever had in France, Holland, and Spain. I must confess that favoritism at the Court where he resides, in an Ambassador of any denomination, is, in my opinion, a fatal objection against him; because I know it to be impossible to be obtained without the most criminal simulation, on one hand, or negligence, or something worse, of the interests of his constituents, on the other. There is a great difference between being esteemed and belovedbetween being upon decent, civil, and respectable terms, and being taken into the arms and embraced. Whenever and wherever this is seen in negotiations, something may justly be suspected to be amiss. Unfortunately, too, Monsieur de St. Priest, who has been long in Constantinople, and had a great reputation for ability and success in former negotiations, was recalled at a most critical time. England, on the contrary, appears to have been meditating a blow, even when the nation were generally expecting the commencement of the millennium from the operation of the commercial treaty. She has sent her shrewdest men to Versailles and the Hague. She appears to have been intriguing at Constantinople as well as in South America. She has been forming a league in Germany, and maintaining her navy on a formidable footing. France may be as indifferent as she will about Holland, but that will not secure her peace. The English cannot see without inward rage and fury—I might say, without terror and dismay-the works at Cherbourg; and let Holland's fate be what it will, let the Turks be disposed of as you please, in my opinion, France must demolish Cherbourg, and Spain set South America at liberty, or there will be war. The passions of this nation are at present in a flame; I hear such a language even in the streets, and in booksellers' shops, (the only

This is undoubtedly

scenes of popular politics into which I think it prudent to venture,) that I am confident a war is not far off. The rage of this nation amazes me; with a gulf and a precipice of public ruin before their eyes, they are ready to take the leap with joy. The most interesting question for us is, whether we shall be neutral? our wisdom, and Congress and the States will take the most decided measures to prevent our people from giving any provocation. They will no doubt forbid, in the most effectual manner, any of their citizens from serving on board the ships of either nation, much less from taking commissions and committing depredations. But will all this preserve our neutrality? It is my duty to be explicit upon this occasion, and to say, that although the British Government may pretend, and even sincerely endeavor, to avoid a quarrel with the United States, at the commencement of the war, yet, if they should obtain any signal successes at first, (which it is not improbable they ay,) there will arise such a spirit of domination and insolence in the nation as will stimulate hostilities against us. It is my duty, therefore, to advise that the best preparations for our own defence and security be made that are in our power.

The detail of affairs in Holland is too dismal to be repeated. The newspapers contain accounts melancholy enough. The plebeians and the monarch are too closely connected in Holland to be overcome by the patrician aristocracy, and no rational plan of a reformation of their Government has been concerted by the people or their leaders.

It is a repetition of the catastrophe of all ill constituted Republics, and is a living warning to our United States.

I do myself the honor to enclose copies of Mr. Fagel's letter to me of the 18th, and of my answer of this day, and of my letter to Mr. Dumas of this day.

I am sorry for his embarrassed situation, but know not the cause of it but by conjecture. One thing I know, that the United States

may very easily be involved in a war by indiscreet intimacies between their servants and foreign Powers and national parties. Congress have but two ways to take upon this occasion-either to dismiss Mr. Dumas, at the requisition of the States General, or to write a letter, or order one to be written, desiring their High Mightinesses to articulate the particulars of their exceptions and displeasure against Dumas. This may gain time, and save Mr. Dumas for so much time as will arrange all things decidedly in Holland.

With great regard, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

[A MEMORIAL.]

To their High Mightinesses the Lords the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.

High and Mighty Lords,

The subscriber, Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, has the honor to acquaint your High Mightinesses that Congress, on the 24th day of July last, resolved that Mr. Dumas be permitted to occupy and reside in the house of the United States at the Hague, until a Minister of the United States shall arrive there, or until the further order of Congress; and that Mr. Adams (the subscriber) do direct such repairs to be made at the expense of the United States to the said house, as may be really necessary to render it tenantable. That the subscriber has accordingly directed Messieurs Wilhem & Jan Willinks, Nicholas & Jacob Van Staphorst, bankers of the United States at Amsterdam, together with Mr. Dumas, to make the necessary reparations of the house, according to the intentions and order of Congress.

The subscriber has, therefore, the honor to request of your High Mightinesses all that friendly countenance and assistance to Messrs. Dumas, Willinks, and Van Staphorsts, which they may reasonably request, and as Congress, in similar cases, would be always cheerfully willing to render to any persons in America employed in services for your High Mightinesses.

Done this 1st day of October, 1787.

JOHN ADAMS.