confederates endeavoured under the then existing circumstances to draw from the king of Spain, the court of Rome, and afterwards from the duke of Lorrain. The king indeed himself both petitioned and actually received considerable succours from the same quarter.* * 30. The confederates were victims to the duplicity of Charles, and the dupes of Ormond's perfidy. He professed loyalty, whilst he practised disobedience to his royal master, and affected confidence in Glamorgan and the confederates, whilst he was planning their ruin. Through his insinuations they were prevailed upon (though against the advice of the pope's agent and nuncio) to make peace publicly with himself, and privately with Glamorgan, disjoining the religious from the political articles. A letter which Ormond had written to lord Muskerry, expressive of his readiness to concur with Glamorgan in every thing which the latter should undertake for his majesty's service, was considered by the confederates at large as a solemn pledge on behalf of the king's lieutenant, "and was delivered to the nuncio by the supreme council of Kilkenny as a proof that the marquis of Ormond would support the agreement which had been or should be made between them and the earl of Glamorgan, though the marquis afterwards disappointed their expectations.' 31. The general assembly of the confederates, which met at Kilkenny on the 6th March, 1645-6, dispatched Muskerry and other commissioners to Dublin, publicly to conclude a peace with Ormond. But the secret treaty had been concluded with Glamorgan six months before. The conditions of the latter chiefly related to the toleration of the catholic religion, and the sending over subsidies to the king in England. It happened in the mean time, that the particulars * This fully appears from the king's letter to the archbishop of Ferns, dated from Oxford, April 30th, 1645: and also from a letter from cardinal Pamphilio to the queen at Paris, accompanied by a brief from the pope to the like purport, dated March the 2d, 1645. + By this treaty it was accorded and agreed between the said earl of Glamorgan for and on behalf of his majesty, his heirs and successors on the one part, and Richard Lord Viscount Mountgarret, lord president of the supreme council of the confederated catholics, Donogh Lord Viscount Muskerry, &c. commissioners appointed by the said confederate Roman catholics on the other part: 1st. That all the professors of the Roman catholic religion in Ireland shall enjoy the free and public use and exercise of their religion. 2d. That they shall hold and enjoy all the churches by them enjoyed within that kingdom, or by them possessed at any time since of this secret treaty became public, and Ormond and Digby, though privy to the commissions and authority under which the 23d of October, 1641, and all other churches in the said kingdom, other than such as are now actually enjoyed by his majesty's protestant subjects. 3d. That all Roman catholics shall be exempted from the jurisdiction of the protestant clergy; and that the Roman catholic clergy shall not be punished or molested for the exercise of their jurisdiction over their respective catholic flocks. 4th. That the following act shall be passed in the next parliament to be holden in Ireland. [Here is inserted the form of an act securing all the king's concessions to the catholics.] 5th. That the marquis of Ormond, or any others, shall not disturb the professors of the Roman catholic religion in possession of the articles above specified. 6th. The earl of Glamorgan engages his majesty's word for the performance of those articles. 7th. That the public faith of the kingdom shall be engaged unto the said earl by the commissioners of the confederate catholics, for sending ten thousand men by order and public declaration of the general assembly at Kilkenny, armed, the one-half with muskets, and the other half with pikes, to serve his majesty in England, Wales, or Scotland, under the command of the said earl of Glamorgan, as lord general of the said army; which army is to be kept in one entire body; and all other the officers and commanders of the said army are to be named by the supreme council of the said confederate catholics, or by such others as the general assembly of the said confederate catholics of Ireland shall entrust therewith. The Irish commissioners engaged their word and faith of the supreme council of Kilkenny, that two-thirds of the clergy's revenue should be employed for the space of three years towards the maintenance of ten thousand men, the other third being reserved for the clergy's subsistence. There was likewise an explanation of the article concerning the clergy-livings; upon which the following instrument was made: "Whereas in these articles touching the clergy's livings, the right honourable the earl of Glamorgan is obliged in his majesty's behalf to secure the concession of these articles by act of parliament: We holding that manner of securing those grants, as to the clergy-livings, to prove more difficult and prejudicial to his majesty than by doing thereof and securing those concessions otherwise, as to the said livings, the said earl undertaking and promising in behalf of his majesty, his heirs and successors, as hereby he doth undertake to settle the said concessions, and secure them to the clergy and their respective successors in another secure way other than by parliament at present, till a fit opportunity be offered for securing the same, do agree and condescend thereunto. And this instrument by his lordship signed was, before the perfecting thereof, intended to that purpose as to the said livings, to which purpose we have mutually signed this indorsement. And it is further intended that the catholic clergy shall not be interrupted by parliament, or otherwise, as to the said livings, contrary to the meaning of these articles." The earl added also the following protestation or oath:-"I, Edward, earl of Glamorgan, do protest and swear faithfully to acquaint Glamorgan had acted, procured him to be indicted of high treason for forging or surreptitiously obtaining these very commissions, and his person was immediately committed to close custody. The discovery* was reported to parliament, and Charles basely protested, upon the word of a king and a christian, that he had never given to the earl of Glamorgan those commissions and powers, which. he was then known by many, and now is known by all, to have repeatedly given. This colourable commitment of Glamorgan was not of long duration he was quickly discharged upon his own and the earl of Kildare's recognizance; the confederates having peremptorily insisted upon breaking off the treaty for peace until he should be discharged.† 32. The confederates having been thus betrayed by the king, in their subsequent negociations required some more the king's most excellent majesty with the proceedings of this kingdom, in order to his service and to the endearment of this nation, and punctual performance of what I have (as authorized by his majesty) obliged myself to see performed; and, in default, not to permit the army entrusted to my charge to adventure itself, or any considerable part thereof, until these conditions from his majesty and by his maGLAMORGAN." jesty be performed. But the general assembly at Kilkenny being apprehensive that the execution of this treaty of peace might meet with opposition from a protestant Lord-lieutenant, inade the following order, on the 28th of August, 1645, viz. "The general assembly order and declare that their union and oath of association shall remain firm and inviolable, and in full strength, in all points and to all purposes, until the articles of the intended peace shall be ratified in parliament, notwithstanding any proclamation of the peace, &c." *They were found upon the titular archbishop of Tuam, who was accidentally killed by the parliamentarian rebels before Sligo, who, together with some of Ormond's forces, were in open hostility, notwithstanding the sensation and the then pending treaty for peace. + Few instances of more Machiavelian policy occur in history than in the conduct of Ormond, excepting that he never completely dissembled his execration of the catholics. Dr. Leland frankly admits that notwithstanding this colourable commitment, Ormond continued to regard Glamorgan as really entrusted by the king, and em powered to negociate in his name. In proof of this he favours us with the letter written to the earl of Glamorgan soon after his discharge, the original of which he had in his possession, and adds that both Ormond and Digby always regarded Glamorgan "as duly au thorized by the king; and treated and addressed him as a person still enjoying the royal favour and confidence. And that he did still enjoy them in a very high degree, there is direct and positive proof in those letters extant amongst the Hærlian nianuscripts, in which Charles assures him of the continuance of his friendship, and promises to make good all his instructions and promises to him and the nuncio." 3 Lel. 283, 4, 5. stable security for the performance of articles than the word of a monarch so frequently violated in their regard. Hence dissention arose amongst them, which was actively fomented by Ormond. The nuncio and a considerable party of the confederates objected to the conclusion of any peace which had future concession for its basis; but no internal division could extinguish their inviolable attachment to the royal cause. 33. Ormond resisted the pressing solicitations of Clanricarde and others to place himself at the head of the confederates, and proceed against Sir Charles Coote, and the other parliamentarian rebels, who were daily violating the cessation, and committing hostilities against the adherents to the royal cause: and he finally delivered up his sword, the castle, and the king's authoritie to the commissioners of the parliamentarian rebels.* In this disgraceful negociation with parliament, Ormond acted with full reflection, and with the most interested views to his own domestic concerns; having stipulated with them for the price of his base surrender, viz. 5000l. in hand, 2000l. a-year for five years successively, and a total release and discharge of all incumbrances upon his estates (which were very heavy) up to the time of the insurrection. The spirit and motive with which he thus betrayed the trust and authority of his royal * He had previously boasted to Colonel Leyburne, who had come over with a confidential commissioner from the king," that if there should be a necessity, he would give up those places under his command to the English rather than the Irish rebels, of which opinion he thought every good Englishman was." Immediately before Ormond delivered up the sword to the parliament commissioners, Alderman Smith, then mayor of Dublin, aged near eighty years, a man of great integrity and loyalty, came to the council table, and acquainted my lord of Ormond, that it was generally reported in town, and spread so far as no man doubted it, that his excellency intended to deliver up the government to the parliament: that he came to acquaint his lordship that himself was entrusted with the king's sword of the city, and that he would not resign it to rebels. Whereupon my lord of Ormond gave him some check, and ordered him to withdraw: but, upon further consideration, his lordship and the council thought fit to call him in again, and to commend him for the resolution he had shewn in maintaining his majesty's authority: and withal read a letter from his majesty requiring the Lord-lieutenant to deliver up the sword to the commissioners empowered by the parliament of England: whereupon he said he would submit. (St. Let. from the earl of Essex, p. 344.) To cover the turpitude of his own conduct, Ormond thus imposed upon the lord mayor of Dublin, by reading either a forged or a forced letter from his majesty; for, had it been real, he would have pleaded it in his own justification. master appear more fully from the complimentary interview that passed between him and the Irish parliament in their vote and his acceptance of thanks for his treaty with the English rebels. After this, Ormond was ignominiously expelled from the castle sooner than he intended to quit it by the English committee and forced to transport himself to England.* 34. In this decline of the king's affairs, the confederated catholics met again at Kilkenny, where they took into consideration, that his majesty was in restraint, that all addresses to him were forbidden, and that some members of parliament, who had ventured to speak in his favour, were expelled, "therefore in that extremity, there being no access to his majesty for imploring either his justice or mercy, all laws either human or divine did allow the said catholics to take some other course, in order to their defence and preservation: not against his sacred majesty, but against those who had laid violent hands on his person, who designed to abolish the royal authority, and resolved to destroy or extirpate the said catholics."+ 35. The ambitious Ormond having been thus indignantly expelled from the government by the enemies of his master, resorted to the unshaken loyalty of the Irish catholics, the king's firmest friends, as the instruments of his own revenge. He dissembled for the moment his anti-catholic rancour, and affected to place the fate of his sovereign in their exertions. He landed at Cork on the 29th of September, 1648, where he was received with acclamation, and invited by the general assembly at Kilkenny to conclude a peace, and join with the nation in making head against the parliamentarian rebels. He was received in triumph at Kilkenny by the whole body of the assembly, and all the nobility and gentry of the neighbourhood, and lodged in his nda about him. 36. Ormond still rejected every proposal or the conre rates relating to toleration of religion and the repeal of any of the penal laws. The treaty was interrupted by the open * Before his departure the confederates again pressed him (but in vain) to put himself at their head in support of the royal cause: he had scarcely arrived in England when he was forced to fly to France, having been informed that a warrant had issued from the very persons to whom he had made the mercenary surrender of his high trust, dignity and power in Ireland. Walsh's Reply to a Person of Quality. |