It was feared by the Americans, that the British troops would push the advantage they had gained, and march immediately to the head quarters at Cambridge, about two miles distant, and in no state of defence, But they advanced no farther than to Bunker's Hill, where they threw up works for their own security. The provincials did the same on Prospect Hill, in front of them, about half way to Cambridge.

The loss of the peninsula depressed the spirits of the Americans, and their great loss of men produced the same effect on the British. There have been few battles in modern wars, in which, all circumstances considered, there was a greater destruction of men than in this short engagement. The number of Americans engaged, including those who dared to cross the neck and join them, amounted only to fifteen hundred; but the unengaged, who appeared in various parts, did, by their different movements, lead many of the Boston spectators to apprehend, at that distance, that they consisted of some thousands. The loss of the British, as acknowledged by general Gage, amounted to 1054. Nineteen commissioned officers were killed, and seventy more wounded. Among those more generally regretted, were lieutenant colonel Abercrombie, and major Pitcairn. That the officers suffered so much, must be imputed to their being aimed at. From their fall, much confusion was expected; they were therefore particularly singled out. The light infantry and grenadiers lost three fourths of their men. Of one company not more than five, and of another, not more than fourteen escaped. The unexpected resistance of the Americans was such as wiped away the reproaches of cowardice, which had been cast on them by their enemies in Britain. The spirited conduct of the British officers merited and obtained great applause, but the provincials were justly entitled to a large portion of the same, for having made the utmost exertions of their adversaries necessary to dislodge them from lines which were the work only of a single night.

The Americans lost five pieces of cannon. Their killed amounted to 139. Their wounded and missing to 314. Thirty of the former fell into the hands of the conquerors. General Gage, in his letter on the subject, was confident they must have been many more, as the Americans were seen during the engagement, conveying away and burying their dead. This, if true, must be accounted a very extraordinary circumstance, and bears some resemblance to the contests related by Homer concerning the dead bodies of his heroes. The Americans deeply regretted the deaths

of major general Warren, of colonel Gardner of Cambridge, of lieutenant colonel Parker of Chelmsford, who was wounded, taken prisoner, and afterwards died in Boston gaol; of major Moore and major M'Clary, who were the only officers of distinction that they lost. In the opinion of many, general Howe was chargeable with a capital error in landing and attacking as he did. It might originate in too great a confidence in the forces he commanded, and in too contemptuous an opinion of the enemy he had to encounter. He certainly might have entrapped the provincials, by landing on the narrowest part of Charlestown neck, under the fire of the floating batteries and ships of war. Here he might have stationed and fortified his army, and kept up an open communication with Boston by a water carriage, which he would have commanded through the aid of the navy, on each side of the peninsula. Had he used this manœuvre, the provincials must have made a rapid retreat from Breed's Hill, to escape having his troops in the rear, and being inclosed. It was said that general Clinton proposed it. The rejection of that proposal greatly weakened the British army, and probably prevented the ruin of the Americans.

The British troops claimed the victory in this engagement; but it must be allowed that it was dearly bought; and the Americans boasted that the real advantages were on their side, as they had so much weakened the enemy that they durst not afterwards venture out of their entrenchments.

In other places the same determined spirit of resistance appeared on the part of the Americans. Lord North's conciliatory scheme was utterly rejected by the assemblies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and afterwards in every other colony. The commencement of hostilities at Lexington determined the colony of New York, which had hitherto continued to waver, to unite with the rest; and as the situation of New York rendered it unable to resist an attack from the sea, it was resolved, before the arrival of a British fleet, to secure the military stores, send off the women and children, and to set fire to the city if it was still found incapable of defence.

At the same time that congress resolved on the establishment of an army, they took measures to preserve the opposition to British power on a settled and permanent basis, by establishing a large paper currency; the United States being liable for the value. From this paper creation, they reaped as mueh benefit, for a considerable time, as would have resulted from a free gift of as many Mexican dollars. Thus, whilst the British

ministry were puzzling themselves for new taxes, and funds on which to raise their supplies, congress raised theirs by resolutions directing paper of no intrinsic value to be struck off, in form of promissory notes, although without any certain funds for its support or redemption.

The troops which were shut up in Boston were soon reduced to distress. Their necessities obliged them to attempt the carrying off the American cattle on the islands in Boston Bay, which produced frequent skirmishes; but the provincials, better acquainted with the navigation of these shores, landed on the islands, destroyed or carried off whatever was of any use, burned the light house at the entrance of the harbour, and took prisoners the workmen sent to repair it, as well as a party of marines who guarded them. Thus the garrison were reduced to the necessity of sending out armed vessels to make prizes indiscriminately of all that came in their way, and of landing in different places to plunder for subsistence as well as they could.

The congress in the mean time continued to act with all the vigour which its constituents had expected. Articles of confederation and perpetual union were drawn up and solemly agreed upon; by which they bound themselves and their posterity for ever. These were in substance as follows

1. Each colony was to be independeut within itself, and to retain an absolute sovereignty in all domestic affairs.

2. Delegates to be annually elected to meet in congress, at such time and place as should be enacted in the preceding congress.

3. This assembly should have the power of determining war or peace, making alliances; and, in short, all that power which sovereigns of states usually claim as their own.

4. The expenses of war to be paid out of the common treasury, and raised by a poll tax on males between 16 and 60: the proportions to be determined by the laws of the colony.

5. An executive council to be appointed to act in place of the congress during its recess.

6. No colony to make war with the Indians without consent of congress.

7. The boundaries of all the Indian lands to be secured and ascertained to them; and no purchases of lands were to be made by individuals, or even by a colony, without consent of congress.

8. Agents appointed by congress should reside among the Indians, to prevent frauds in trading with them.

and to relieve, at the public expense, their wants and distresses.

9. This confederation to last until there should be a reconciliation with Britain; or, if that event should not take place, it was to be perpetual.

After the, action at Bunker's hill, however, when the power of Great Britain appeared less formidable in the eyes of the Americans than before, congress proceeded formally to justify their proceedings, in a declaration, showing the necessity of taking up arms against Great Britain. This, like all their other publications, was fraught with the utmost energy of language, whilst at the same time it was ushered in with a solemnity which could not fail to make a deep impression on those for whom it was calculated. "Were it possible," said they, "for men who exercise their reason, to believe that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in, and unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domina tion, never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive; the inhabitants of these colonics might at least require from the parliament of Great Britain some evidence that this dreadful authority over them had been granted to that body: but a reverence for our Great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end.

"The legislature of Great Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for power, not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kindom; and despairing of success in any mode of contest where regard should be had to law, truth, or right; have, at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight justice in the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations to the rest of the world to make known the justice of our cause."

After taking notice of the manner in which their ancestors left Britain, the happiness attending the mutual friendly commerce betwixt that country and her colonies, and the remarkable success of the late war, they proceeded as follows: "The new ministry, finding the

brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of grant. ing them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends.

"These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behavior from the beginning of their colonization; their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the nost honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could not save them from the intended innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project; and assuming a new pow. er over them, has, in the course of eleven years given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt of the effects of acquiescence under it.

"They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property. Statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty and vice admiralty be. yond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable rights of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of our colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature, and solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the murderers of colonists from legal trial, and in effect from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of a profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists, charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.

er.

"But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail?-By one statute it was declared, that pailiament can of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatevWhat is to defend us againts so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single person who assumes it is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws; and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which