selves. Not only the principle of taxation, but the mode of collection, was considered as an unconstitu tional and oppressive innovation; for the penalties incurred by an infraction of the acts of parliament, might be recovered in the courts of admiralty, before a single judge, whose salary was the fruit of the forfeitures he decreed, without trial by jury, or any of the other benefits of common law jurisprudence. These acts coming so close to each other, threw the whole continent into the utmost ferment.

The Massachusetts assembly, who were the first representative body that took the act into consideration, appointed a committee to write to the other governments, and acquaint them with the instructions voted to be sent to their agent; and that the said committee, in the name and behalf of the house, should desire the several assemblies on the continent to join June 13. with them in the same measures. The institution of committees of correspondence, may be considered as the grand spring of the revolution during its different stages. These committees, by a silent and uniform alarm, roused the whole body of the people, upon all occasions, to unite in their operations against the ministeral encroachments upon their privileges; and thus achieved, by the most simple means, what many of the orators and patriots of ancient and modern states could never affect, by the most consummate eloquence and abilities.

Vehement remonstrances were made to the ministry, and every argument made use of that reason or ingenuity could suggest, but to no purpose. Their reasoning, however, convinced a great number of people in Britain; and thus the American cause came to be considered as the cause of liberty.

The Americans, finding all argumentation vain, at last united in an agreement to import no more of the manufactures of Great Britain, but to encourage to the utmost of their power, every thing of that kind among themselves. Thus the British manufacturers also became a party against the ministry, and did not fail to express their resentment in the strongest terms; but the ministry were not to be so easily daunted, and therefore proceeded to the last step of their intended plan, which was to lay on stamp duties throughout the continent. Previous to this, indeed, several regulations were passed in favor of the commerce of the colonies; but they had now imbibed such unfavorable sentiments of the British ministry, that they paid very little regard to any thing pretended to be done in their favor; or if these acts made any favorable impression,

it was quickly obliterated by the news of the Stamp act. The reason given for this act, so exceedingly ob'noxious, was, that a sum might be raised sufficient for the defence of the colonies against a foreign enemy; but this pretence was so far from giving any satisfaction to the Americans, that it excited their indignation to the utmost degree. They not only asserted that they were abundantly able to defend themselves against any foreign enemy, but denied that the British parliament had any right to tax them at all.

The colonists denied the parliamentary right of taxa. tion many months before any member of the Brisish parliament uttered a single syllable to that purpose: and the American opposition to the Stamp act was fully formed, before it was known by the colonists that their cause was espoused by any man of note at home, as Britain was styled.

The raising of a revenue from the molasses trade, and a fund to defray the expenses of defending the colonies, were in contemplation nine years before; but the resolutions taken by the house of commons, in the beginning of this year, might be forwarded by Mr. Huske, an American, a native of Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, who a short time before obtained a seat in parlia ment. Instead of standing forth a firm advocate for the country which gave him birth, he officiously proposed to the house, laying a tax on the colonies, that should annually amount to £500,000 sterling, which he declared they were well able to pay and he was heard with great joy and attention. He or some other, recollecting that a stamp act was talked of by the commissioners at Albany, in 1754, may have suggested that mode of taxing, for whatever was thought, the Stamp act was not originally Mr. Grenville's.

The intended stamp act, was communicated to the American agents. Many of them did not oppose it. Half their number were placemen, or dependent on the ministry. Mr. Joseph Sherwood, an honest quaker, agent for Rhode Island, refused his assent to America's being taxed by a British parliament. Mr. Mauduit, the Massachusetts agent, favored the raising of the wanted money by a stamp duty, as it would occasion less expense of officers, and would include the West India islands. But the scheme was postponed, and the agents authorized to inform the American assemblies, that they were at liberty to suggest any other way of raising monies; and that Mr. Grenville was ready to receive proposals for any other tax, that might be equivalent in its produce to the stamp tax. The colonies seemed to consider it as an affront, rather than a compliment.

He would not have been content with any thing short of a certain specific sum, and proper funds for the payment of it. Had not the sums been answerable to his wishes, he would have rejected them; and he would scarce have been satisfied with less than £300,000 per annum, which was judged absolutely necssary to defray the whole expense of the army proposed for the defence of America: he might rather have expected that it should amount to what Mr. Huske had mentioned. No satisfactory proposals being made, he adhered to his purpose of bringing forward the stamp bill, though repeatedly pressed by some of his friends to desist, while he might have done it with honor. Richard Jackson, Esq. had been chosen agent for Massachusetts; he, with Mr. Ingersoll, Mr. Garth, and Mr. Franklin, lately come from Philadelphia, waited on Mr. Gren

1765. Feb. 2.

ville, the 2d of February, 1765, by desire of the colonial agents, to remonstrate against the stamp bill, and to propose that in case.any tax must be laid upon America, the several colonies might be permitted to lay the tax themselves. At this interview Mr. Jackson opened his mind freely on the subject; and Mr. Franklin, as must be supposed, mentioned that he had it in instruction from the assembly of Pennsylvania, to assure the ministry, that they should always think it their duty to grant such aids to the crown, as were suitable to their circumstances, whenever called for in the usual constitutional manner. Mr. Grenville, however, pertinaciously adhered to his own opinions; and said, that he had pledged his word for offering the stamp bill to the house, and that the house would hear their objections.

The bill was brought in; and on the first reading Mr. Charles Townsend spoke in its favor. He took notice of several things that colonel Barre had said in his speech against it; and then concluded with the following or like words: "And now will these Amercans, children planted by our care; nourished up by our indulgence, until they are grown to a degree of strength and opulence; and protected by our arms; will they grudge to contribute their mite, to relieve us from the heavy weight of that burden which we lie under?"

On this colonel Barre rose, and after explaining some passages in his speech, took up Mr. Townsend's concluding words in a most spirited and inimitable manner, saying, "They planted by YOUR care! No, your oppressions planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny, to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable; and

among others, to the cruelties of a savage foe, the most subtile, and I will take upon me to say, the most formidable of any people upon the face of God's earth; and yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, compared withi those they suffered in their own country, from the hands of those that should have been their friends.-They nourished up by YOUR indulgence! They grew by your ne glect of them. As soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them, in one department and another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of deputies to some members of this house, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them-men, whose behavior on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recol within them-men promoted to the highest seats of justice; some who to my knowledge were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own.-They protected by YOUR arms! They have nobly taken up arins in your defence; have exerted a valor, amidst their constant, and laborious industry, for the defence of a country, whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And believe me, remember I this day told you so, that same spirit of freedom, which actuated that people at first, will accompany them stillbut prudence forbids me to explain myself further.God knows, I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat; what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. However superior to me in general knowledge and experieuce the respectable body of this house may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they should be violated-but the subject is too delicate-I will say no more." These sentiments were thrown out, so entirely without premeditation, so forcibly and firmly; and the breaking off was so beautifully abrupt, that the whole house sat awhile amazed, intently looking, without answering a word.

During the debate on the bill, the supporters of it insisted much on the colonies being virtually represented in the same manner as Leeds, Halifax, and some other towns were. A recurrence to this plea, was a virtual acknowledgment, that there ought not to be taxatlon without representation. It was replied, that the VOL. I.

3

connexion between the electors and non electors of parliament in Great Britain, was so interwoven, from both being equally liable to pay the same common tax, and to give some security of property to the latter: but with respect to taxes laid by the British parliament, and paid by the Americans, the situation of the parties was reversed. Instead of both parties bearing a proportionable share of the same common burden, what was laid on the one, was exactly so much taken off from the other. -When the question upon the bill, in its last stage, was brought to a vote, there were about 250 for, and 50 against it. In the house of lords, so strong was the unanimity, that there was not a single syllable uttered against the bill; and on the 22d of March, it obtained the royal assent. The night after it

1765.

March 22. was passed, Dr. Pranklin wrote to Mr. Charles

Thomson, afterwards secretary of congress, "the sun of liberty is set; you must light up the candles of industry and economy." Mr. Thomson answered, he was apprehensive that other lights would be the consequence, and predicted the opposition that followed.

The framers of the stamp act flattered themselves, that the confusion which would arise upon the disuse of writings, would compel the colonies to the use the stamp paper, and therefore to pay the taxes imposed. Thus they were led to pronounce it, a law which would execute itself. Mr. Grenville, however, appears to have been apprehensive, that it might occasion disorders; to prevent or suppress which, he projected another bill, which was brought in the same session, whereby it was to be made lawful for military officers in the colonies, to quarter their soldiers in private houses. This seemed intended to awe the people into a compliance with the other act. Great opposition being made to it, as under such a power in the army, no one could look on his house as his own, that part of the bill was dropt; but there still remained a clause, when it passed into a law, to oblige the several assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers, and to furnish them with firing, bedding, candles, small beer, rum, and sundry other articles, at the expense of the several provinces; which continued in force when the stamp act was repealed. It equally militated with the other against the American principle. That money is not to be raised on English subjects without their consent.

1765.

These proceedings of the mother country gave rise to great disturbances in America. The stamp act was to commence its operaration on the 1st day of November; and the people