to be the legal member. The majority of the house maintained that expulsion necessarily implied an incapability of sitting afterwards. But most of the precedents brought forth were not to the purpose; as happening either in times of barbarity, or of internal insurrections in the kingdom. It was urged by the minority, that the power of the house of commons has never gone beyond expulsion; nor is it proper it should, except in cases of bribery and corruption. But if the house abuses its power, in the execution of this privilege, by depriving the constituents of their power of reelecting the expelled member, there is not any remedy against ministerial oppression, if they can once prevail so far as to procure a majority in favour of the expulsion of such members as may be obnoxious to them.

This vote of the house of commons was considered as a fatal blow to the liberties of the people; at least to the right of election, the most vital and essential part of those liberties. This poured poison into the political wound, that rendered it perfectly incurable. The Middlesex election may hitherto be regarded merely as a common controverted election, in which none but Mr. Wilkes and his opponents were concerned. From this time forward it assumed a more dignified air, a more important aspect. Instead of a private, it became a national concern. A great part of the people took the alarm. They thought they foresaw, in the destruction of the rights of the freeholders of Middlesex, the utter ruin and subversion of their own. The consequence was, that petitions first, and remonstrances afterwards poured in from the different counties and corporations in the kingdom. Many of these were of a very bold, and, as, some thought, of a most daring nature. They not only prayed for a dissolution of parliament, bnt they even denied the legality of the pres ent one, the validity of its acts, and the obligation of the people to obey them. In a word, they asserted that the government was actually dissolved.

The ministry had now brought themselves into a

most disagreeable dilemma. They ought either 1770. not to have proceeded so far, or they ought to

have gone farther. They ought either not to have furnished the people with a just cause, nor even with a plausible pretence, for presenting such remonstrances, or they ought to have punished them for daring to present them. This, however, they did not think it prudent, nor perhaps even safe, to attempt.

Some of the freeholders of Middlesex even attempt. ed to carry their speculative principles into practice. They refused to pay the land tax; and the matter was

brought to a trial. But the jury determined, that they were obliged to pay it; and, in so doing, they discover ed more firmness and fortitude than their rulers. This, however, was but a poor compensation for the want of courage and consistency in the ministers. It was like endeavouring to support a mighty arch with a feeble buttress, when the key stone, that held it together, was removed.

In the course of this year a very important 1770. act was passed for regulating the proceedings of the house of commons in controverted elections. These used formerly to be determined by the house at large, and by a majority of votes, so that they were considered merely as party matters, and the strongest party, which was always that of the ministry, was sure to carry the point, without paying the least regard to the merits of the question on either side. By the bill, which was now passed, called the Grenville act, they were ordered for the future to be decided by a committee of thirteen members, chosen by lot, and under the sacred obligation of an oath; and since the enacting of this law, no well grounded complaint has been made against the impartiality of the deci

sions.

*

Though the present ministry was supposed to have heen originally recommended to his majesty by lord Chatham, and to have been guided for some time, in all their measures, by his advise, yet, as they had of late affected to stand upon their own bottom, and neglected to consult him as usual, he entirely abandoned them, and resigned his office as keeper of the privy seal, which was bestowed on the earl of Bristol. His example was soon followed by

Mr. Burke, in his speech on American taxation, April 19, 1774, gives a humourous account of lord Chatham's situation, whilst this ministry were in power. After an ironical description of the incongruous mass of which it was composed, he says, "In consequence of this arrangement, having put so much the larger part of his enemies in power, the confusion was such, that his own principles could not possibly have any effect, or influence in the conduct of affairs. If ever he fell into a fit of the gout, or if any other cause withdrew him from public cares, principles directly the contrary were sure to predominate. When he had executed his plan, he had not an inch of ground to stand upon. When he had accomplished his scheme of administration, he was no longer a minister. When his face was hid but for a moment, his whole sys

the duke of Grafton, who was succeeded as first lord of the treasury by lord North, and thus, unhappily for the nation, was formed that ministry which began the American war.

Mr. Wilkes remained in prison during the full time to which he had been sentenced. But though he still continued to be the darling of the populace, their admiration was not attended with that violence and uproar which had formerly marked their proceedings: his importance diminished in proportion as he was no longer persecuted by the ministry; and many of his friends, from various causes, deserted him. Still however, his influence was very extensive; he was chosen one of the Aldermen of London, then sheriff, afterwards lord mayor, and at last fixed in the lucrative office of city chamberlain; in all which departments he behaved so well, that his greatest enemies could never lay hold of any part of his public character that could be accounted a fault, or even represented in a disadvantageous light; and after a long succession of anual defeats, he triumphed at last, in the year 1782, in getting the resolution, of the 17th of February, 1769, relative to the Middlesex election, expunged from the journals of the house of commons.

tem was on a wide sea, without chart or compass. The gentlemen, his particular friends, who, with the names of various departments of ministry, were admitted, to seem, as if they acted a part under him, with a modesty that becomes all men, and with a confidence in him, which was justified even in its extravagance by his superior abilities, had never, in any instance, presumed upon any opinion of their own. Deprived of his guiding influence, they were whirled about, the sport of every gust; and easily driven into any port; and as those who joined with them in manning the vessel, were the most directly opposite to his opinions, measures, and character, and far the most artful and most powerful of the set, they easily prevailed, so as to seize upon the vacant, unoccupied, and derelict minds of his friends; and instantly they turned the vessel wholly out of the course of his policy. As if it were to insult as well as betray him, even long before the close of the first session of his administration, when every thing was publiely transacted, and with great parade in his name, they made an act, declaring it highly just and expedient to raise a revenue in America."

[Dodsley's Annual Register, 1775.

The Middlesex election, though the spirit of peti1771. tioning, had, in some measure subsided, still gave rise to some singular occurrences that are well worthy of notice. A messenger of the house of commons, having come into the city to seize a printer, for publishing the speeches of the members, this last sent for a constable, whe carried both him and the messenger, before Mr. Crosby, the lord mayor. That gentleman, together with the aldermen Wilkes and Oliver, not only discharged the printer, but required the messenger to give bail to answer the complaint of the printer against him, for daring to seize him in the city without the order of a magistrate; and upon his refusing to do sq, they signed a warrant for his commitment to prison, upon which he consented to give bail, and was suffered to depart. The commons, fired at this contempt of their authority, as they thought it, ordered the lord mayor and two aldermen, to appear before them. Mr. Crosby and Mr. Oliver, as members of the house, attended in their place; but Mr. Wilkes refused to appear, unless he might be permitted to take his seat for Middlesex. The lord may1771. or and alderman Oliver were sent to the tower, March where they continued in confinement till the 27. end of the session. Other orders were issued for the attendance of Mr. Wilkes; but as it was well known that he would not comply with them, the ministry could find no better method of getting rid of this formidable adversary, then by appointing the eighth day of April for his attendance, at the same time that the house adjourned to the ninth.

Thus all the efforts of the ministry, to extend the authority of parliament, served only to show, that its power was really not to be dreaded, by any subject who had spirit enough to contend with it.

Great Britian was in this manner divided into adverse factions, by the rashness and pusillanimity of a succession of disjointed administrations; who at the same time, and by the same means, plunged the nation into the fatal dispute with her American colonies. Whilst the authority of government was thus vilified and despised at home, can it be imagined that it was much reverenced or respected abroad? Whilst it was openly insulted and brow beat in the very metropolis, and under the eye of the legislature, could it be expected that it should be able to maintain its usual force and vigour in the extreme parts of the empire? The Americans could easily foresee, that, in resisting the unjust stretches of parlimentary power, their cause would receive great support in the mother country, from a strong

party, who stood forward to resist the arm of power, whether exercised by the ministry, or by the legislature. A number of this party acted from principle, but others were more influenced by spirit of opposition to the ministerial majority, than by a regard to the constitutional liberties of either country.

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CHAP. V.

The East India Company empowered to export their own Teas-The Tea thrown into the sea at Boston-Proceedings of the British Parliament-Boston Port BillMassachusetts Bay Bill-Bill for the Administration of Justice-Quebec Bill-Chief Justice Oliver-General Gage arrives in Boston-Solemn League and Covenant-Measures for holding a general Congress-Boston Neck Fortified-Inhabitants of Boston reduced to great Distress-Preparations in the Colonies for ResistanceProceedings of Congress-Petition to the King, &c.Proceedings of Parliament-Violent Debates on American Affairs-Conciliatory Motion by lord Chatham, rejected-Coercive Measures resolved on-Lord North's Conciliatory Plan, called his Olive Branch-Other Conciliatory Plans rejected-Petitions against the obnoxious Acts-Extent and Importance of the American Trade -Memorial from the Assembly of New York, rejectedDr. Franklin's fruitless Endeavours to promote a Conciliation-He returns to America.

GREAT BRITAIN was thus rent by internal dissensions, and factions, whilst succeeding administrations, with equal weakness and obstinacy, endeavoured to establish parliamentary supremacy over the colonies. Anxious to establish the system, and at the same time afraid to encounter opposition effectively, they conceded enough to weaken their authority, and yet not enough to satisfy the colonists. And these causes had operated with redoubled force, upon every renewal of the dispute.

The declaratory act, and the reservation of the duty upon tea, left the cause of contention in full force, but the former was only a claim on paper, and the latter might be evaded by refusing to purchase any tea, on which the parliamentary tax was imposed. The colonists, therefore, conceiving that their commerce