their abolition fanaticism, looked a little more at home to mitigate. debasing and miserable servitude, it might be quite as well for the cause of humanity; for so grossly is it outraged still in their very midst, that a whig periodical among us (North American Review for July, 1844) says:

"We may affirm that the condition of the galley-slaves in France, or of the blacks in Cuba and the Carolinas, compared with that of English children immured in coalmines, is like the contrast of Elysium with Tartarus."

Without any thirst for aggrandizement, then, or any attachment to scenes of war, or disregard of the solemn obligations of treaties, or desire to enlarge the number of our slave population, but the reverse of all of them, let us despise every groundless taunt on such topics, and, as soon as practicable, by the election of men friendly to the annexation of Texas, crowd onward the great destinies which Providence seems to have marked out for our republic. While we are scrupulous to do no injustice to others, let us be equally careful not to neglect our own public duties, and not to bring contempt and dishonor on our common country by a timorous and vacillating policy. In this way, there need be no limits to our Union, but the growth of general education, sound morals, and intelligent liberty.

"Wide as our free race increase,

Wide shall extend the elastic chain,
And bind in everlasting peace

State after State, a mighty train."

My fellow-citizens, I must now close these hasty remarks, and make way for others more useful and entertaining.

But, in doing it, let me conjure you, between this and November, not to be led off the true points in the canvass by any false or feigned issues, like those I first alluded to.

The eyes and hearts of sober-minded men, like you, will look higher, and dwell on considerations like these: whether the cause of independence and self-government by a majority shall prevail, or the Divine right of a few to rule the many; whether those who hold our delegated trusts shall not be made amenable to us by instructions, and a strict adherence to granted powers, rather than enlarge them by broad constructions to cover every species of encroachment. In fine, whether the people shall rule, or their servants, and the policy of the country be shaped by ourselves, or by the puppets to Sir Robert Peel or Louis Philippe; whether your government shall continue to be administered on the principles of Jefferson, Madison and Washington, or dangerous novelties be introduced, like the distribution of the public lands and the assumption of State debts- those fatal omens of discord and disunion; whether trade shall be left free, industry unshackled, rights equal, and your youthful empire of democracy bounding onward in its own energies, over Oregon and Texas, to the Pacific,- or all be

cramped up, chained, hedged, emasculated, mildewed, and all be paralyzed, and at a dead halt, or be limping along like the fettered despotisms of the Old World.

This may be considered plain language. The times demand it. You are a wronged people; your interests will not be dealt fairly by and protected equally, unless you act in earnest; you are too intelligent to be deluded longer. Tell the aspirants to power what you want, and what, by God's blessing, you will have,- equal rights, equal protection, equal laws.

The whole canvass must be bold and searching, though just. You must be faithful, as well as fearless; and not, like some cringing menials of power, see either a handsaw or a whale in the clouds, as is supposed will best suit the wishes of a superior and officer, or as cliques may dictate.

Nor do you want any neutrals in contests like this. For, where such vast interests are at stake, it is disgraceful not only to blow hot and cold, but to try to escape responsibility, by being neither whig nor democrat, Clay nor Polk, but an insipid "nothingarian." On the contrary, the whole country looks to you to be firm as Agamenticus on his rocky base near us, and to dare to do your duty, whatever obstacles may interpose. In such a cause, can any hesitate to stand forth and swell the ranks of that party which our fathers founded, and under whose administration of public affairs Providence so long blessed our country at home and abroad? Believe me, such leaders as Polk and Dallas will be its standard-bearers to victory, if we are only united in action, vigilant and prompt at the post of duty.

*Last price-current in England would make the duty near 100 per cent.

All these are subject to 10 per cent. higher duty in certain foreign vessels this side of Cape of Good Hope, and 20 per cent. the other side, if not teas.

When price low, and lower if price high.

C. [No. 3.]

List of articles in this bill yielding most revenue.

Secretary Forward's report, No. 209, gives the quantity of imports in 1840, prices, and duty now proposed, and amount from it.

The whole revenue, gross, is about 32 millions of dollars, and net 274 millions of dollars; by it the average rate of duty is about 35 to 36 per cent. on 93 millions of imports not free.

1. Silks yield by it near,

2. Sugar,

3. Teas,

4. Coffee,

$4,000,000 11. Spices (pepper, one-half), $750,000

3,700,000 12. Salt,

2,500,000 13. Wines,

2,000,000 14. Fruits (mostly raisins),

5. Spirits,

2,000,000 15. Crockery ware,

6. Woollens,

2,000,000 16. Coal,.

$25,500,000

NOTE. The chief changes from his plan in these articles are in tea, coffee, and salt. The product from the first two, by the bill, will be near a million less, and from salt about one-seventh of a million less. The aggregate of the first ten articles would then be about $20,700,000; and of the whole, about $23,700,000.

Silks will not yield, in fact, one-half as much, because most have been free, and we shall make more now.

Sugars will not be as much, because we make more, and from Indian corn, and consume less when higher, as in England. So molasses. So make more iron.

Spirits. Import less, as higher duty, and make more at home, and consume less in temperance times.

Linen, tea, and coffee-All will be less used, as have been free; other articles will be substituted.

D. [No. 4.]

List of English articles yielding most revenue,

Among the witnesses examined before the committee was John M'Gregor, Esq., one of the joint secretaries of the board of trade. He stated that the ten leading articles, which produced £20,502,666 revenue in 1839, were:

Several articles which pay a higher duty by the tariff of 1842 than that of 1828.

Others which pay nearly as high a duty by the act of 1842 as by that of 1828.

*On one kind of cottons, such as printed handkerchiefs, the duty is more than a hundred per cent. higher than in 1828; and many of the specific duties in this table would be much more above those in 1828, if reduced to a scale ad valorem.

The specific duties in 1842, on these two articles, would be a higher per cent. on their value in 1842 than those were in 1828, as the value of the articles then was so much higher. Several other articles might be added which are in a similar situation.