The goddes, who kenned the actions of the wyghte, Houton dyd make the mountaine bie the.r mighte: Roarynge and rolleynge on,' &c. &c. The meaning of which paffage is evidently this:-That when the gods faw what the giant had done at the infligation of the jealous queen Gondolyne, they leffened the calamity of the fair Elfrid and her daughter Sabrina, by making an OPENING in the mountain which the giant had thrown upon them, in order that Sabrina might iffue forth as a beautiful and diftinguished river. Chatterton understood the paffage in this fenfe; and hath interpreted the word houton by hollow. But the Dean in a note obferves, that the word doth not mean hollow; nor could that circumftance be any alleviation to the fate of Elfrid and Sabrina. But hawten is explained in the Prompt. parv. by exalto, and in this fenfe is ufed by Peter Langtoft; and hautain in old French fignifies proud or lofty. The fize and height of the mountain are mentioned as an exertion of might by the gods, to add dignity to their fate; and with the fame idea the Poet hath chofen the highest hill in Wales for the monument of the giant.' What abfurd and contradictory reafoning is this! Drawn out at full length it comes to this inconfiftency, viz. That the gods, to "leffen the fadde happe" of two fair ladies, on whom a mountain had been thrown by a horrible giant, made this mountain high and lofty to add dignity to their fate and on the cruel monfter, whom the vengeance of thefe gods purfued, and deftroyed with lightning, as he haftened to tell the bloody tidings to his bafe employer, Gendolyneon this accurfed giant thofe very gods reared a high and lofty mountain! even the highest in Wales, the mountain Snowdon : undoubtedly, on the ground of the Dean's logic, to add dignity to his fate; and on the Poet's, to leggen his fadde happe! Now this is a reductio ad abfurdum. But the learned Dean is as unfortunate in his example to il luftrate, as in his reafoning to confirm his acceptation of the the word bouton. In this fenfe (fays he at the conclufion of his note), we may also understand that line in Robert Canning's epitaph: Houton are wordes for to tell his doe.' i. e. it required lofty, not hollow, words to celebrate his praife.' This is a forced and unnatural interpretation of the line. The Dean, by a moft unwarrantable licence, underftands are fubjunctively, as if the Poet had faid, "Words that express his worth fhould be lofty and magnificent.' But the meaning is The flory of this metamorphofis is told in the Mirror of Magi Arates. "His worth is beyond all expreffion. Words are deficient to give a juft account of his merits." We will readily, then, fubfcribe to the Dean's opinion_refpecting the original and ancient meaning of this term. But while we allow of a mistake in the comment, we muft equally admit it in the text. Poet and gloffarift are perfectly agreed: and this is not to be wondered at, when both are indebted for the word, and its interpretation, to Bailey's Dictionary! [To be continued.] B.d.k. ART. X. An Essay on Defenfive War and a Constitutional Militia, with an Account of Q. Elizabeth's Arrangements. By an Officer. 8yo. 4s. Boards. Evans, &c. 1782. A NY new and good ideas, or information, on the above-mentioned interesting subjects, must certainly be seasonable at this time, and, we believe, have often been withed for by many of the military part of the community; and that part, according to our Author, fhould now comprehend almoft all that are able to bear arms. Hence we think this effay cannot fail of being acceptable to many, and may animate others to purfue the fubject, as it is written with great fpirit, and contains more information and good fenfe than may at first appear from an irregular and unequal ftyle, and from being compofed of parts in fome refpects diffimilar to each other. This young Author, as we must fuppofe him to be, seems often warmed by his fubject, to a degree of enthusiasm, which carries him at leaft to the extreme limits of good taste, or good fense; and which may give, to fome people, rather too much ground to confider him as an inflammatory party-writer: to which, however, we cannot fubfcribe. We confefs ourselves happy to discover, as we fometimes do, the warm and honeft, though it may be incorrect, pen of the independent gentleman, among the crowd of professed and party writers. There are periods during which it is perhaps fortunately impoffible to avoid taking a fide, or joining fome party, even though there fhould be none of whofe conduct and principles we entirely approve; and this will generally be the cafe on certain occafions, till DESPOTISM fhall have brought all fpirits nearly to a level, by shedding her drowfy indifference over the whole community. The fubject of defenfive war is certainly of the utmoft importance,-even, poffibly, of more than appears in the pages of this Author. On the knowledge and practice of fuch principles as his, being more or lefs generally diffeminated, and habitually known, depends, perhaps, the future fate of Europe :-as, whether it is to become, gradually, a half-peopled defart, belonging to 1 to a few tyrants, or a great collection of populous and induftrious nations, virtuous, brave? &c. In this country, whatever be our danger, which seems to approach while we write,-whether France and Holland may be inclined to peace, or mean only to deceive? or how long they may be in preparing and determining to take all advantages of their fituation, and other circumftances, to invade us? And where?-how and in what manner? it is impoffible for us to forefee or calculate exactly; but whether they invade us or not, we entirely agree with our Author, that we ought all to be ready for such an event; and the neceffity, which feems yearly to increase, of preparing fome plan to repel invafion, cannot be too much inculcated. The foldier properly prepared was never conquered, according to the proverb, which may still more properly be applied to a nation. Whatever may be the refult of the prefent war, we hope it may ferve to turn the attention, not only of individuals but of government, more effectually towards the objects of this publication; and if the duties and practice of arms, with the relative eftablishments, fhould thereby become generally diffused and underflood, we may be gainers on the whole, even though we fhould be invaded, and lofe one-third of the empire-fuch is the importance of the use and habit of arms! Since feudal anarchy, and a more general ufe of arms, have been driven out of Europe, we have not been well provided with any establishment to fupply that national or feudal militia; and no nation, except the Swifs, have had boldness or wisdom enough to attempt it. The divifion of labour, and the modes of induftry neceffary in our arts and manufactures, have confined each individual to a fingle profeffion, or even to part of one, in a manner that tends to render him ufelefs for any other purpose; and it seems not yet decidedly known what will be the ultimate effects of this new and uncertain ftate of fociety;-whether the commercial good increases the moral evil; in fhort, whether the art of government be not now lefs understood than it was 2000 years ago?-One evil is, the general perfuafion that the greatest number may, and hence they actually do, become unfit to defend themselves, and are therefore content to remain ignorant of the common use of arms; confenting to be defended by others, who must thereby inevitably become their mafters.-There is fcarce any good without its concomitant evil. The people having thus, with a view to eafe and riches, given up all power, and right to liberty and fecurity, fubfcribe to unlimited obedience; and can have no other influence on government, but as they may individually become ufeful to their masters,who, for fome time, will continue to deceive them with a few forms forms or laws, which they will execute as long as they adhere to 25 it may find convenient. Unless the people are thrown into fome form in which they can eafily meet, act, vote, &c. and of which the ufe of arms muft make an effential part, they may as well cease to amuse themselves with any public queftion, in none of which they can have any influence but fuch as is worse than none, that of an unformed and lawlefs mob. That influence proceeding from the divifion of wealth, which has different meafures according to manners, &c. and is at length refolved into natural ftrength, will ever be precarious and fhort-lived, and will be gradually turned against the people by being confined to fewer hands, as all governments, in their natural progrefs towards defpotifm, muft gradually feize on all funds, and their fources; and muft as infallibly drain and mifapply them by tyranny, and a carelefs and infolent mifmanagement, to which all human beings invefted with power are naturally prone. We have been accustomed, in thefe latter ages, to fee philofophy and improvements, commerce and riches, all on one fide, combating and undermining ancient tyranny, ignorance, and fuperftition, by dividing and increasing property, &c. and the conteft is not yet decided: but from defective governments, thofe very bleffings may bring in their train other kinds of tyranny and weaknefs with luxury; and again throw all property and power into a few hands on one fide, leaving only poverty, dependance, and an increafe of wants with the multitude on the other fo that our golden chains may have been forging for us in other climes, to be finished and fitted at home. Sumptuary laws feem to be confidered as impracticable and even injurious in a great and rich empire.-None can fay to ARTS and LUXURY, thus far hall ye go and no farther. Whether there be any peffibility of ftopping or directing this progrefs, few feem inclined to try; which affords, of itfelf, but a bad appearance of the conftruction of our governments. Nay, governments have been chiefly employed in corrupting the people, and then holding them up to fhew how unfit they are to govern themselves, in every respect, and as examples to enforce the principles of defpotifm:-and the defign will probably fucceed.They will eafily gain over to fuch principles moft of those who think themselves in any degree above the people, and are thereby doubly flattered with pretenfions to be their mafters; all thofe who look no farther than the prefent ftate and example: and the principles of natural liberty, and equality in rights, may foon be worn out. If any effectual remedies for thefe, and many other fuch defects, be now practicable, we think fome of the loofe hints of our Author would form a neceffary part of them; and if he had chalked out for us, and for government, a little more of that that rational outline which he mentions, towards some system or arrangement fo neceffary to the execution of what he proposes, we conceive it might have been of more use than all his fine writing about it. If the divifion of hundreds, composed of the leffer ones of tythings, be inconvenient, as he fays, we fhould have been glad to know why; and he that would divide this ifland properly for thefe purpofes, in the fame view and manner that Alfred did, might probably be of greater service to his country than all the writers and statesman of the age. We hope much might yet be done in this country towards its political restoration, or to ftop its decline, if government had the courage, and were really willing to try, and were to begin, by giving to the whole nation the use of arms on a proper plan. The people once accustomed to affemble,-to arm,-to confult together, in fmall contiguous divifions, properly commanded and directed, would thereby have made the first and greatest step, not only towards the greatest quantity and best quality of national force, but likewife towards, perhaps, the best kind of government of which men are capable, whatever be their stock or fpecies of virtue.-How eafy then to make them act, vote, confult-to obtain the sense of a whole nation on any question? There are a few to which they are adequate, neceffary, and competent. Such are always the happy effects of every wife and good principle, that, like thofe of nature, each answers many more purposes than one, and many more than at first may be foreseen. Something of this kind has been hinted now and then, by fome of our beft heads, and particularly of late, in a pamphlet intitled, A Plan of Affociation on Conftitutional Principles (Kearfly) and by a great and patriotic nobleman in a speech and plan, &c.-but these things feem to die away, and are unattended to, amidst the rage of military and political madness; and the authors (perhaps in defpair, but we think unadvisedly) withdraw their endeavours for the Public weal. But we fear fuch principles will not long be admitted even in theory, and much lefs fubmitted to experiment, in any monarchy in Europe,-not even the principles and practice of the arbitrary Elizabeth,-fuch is too generally "their guilt or their error." In the defpotic progreffion of all governments there is a ftrange timidity, which feems to increase as the motives or caufes of it diminish, and will form a growing impediment to all beneficial eftablishments for arming or improving the people, and prove an increafing caufe of national decay, weaknefs, and barbarifm. We, however, would ftill willingly hope, in spite of the inflammatory declamations of one party, or the deceitful en See Review for Auguft 1780, Art. 15. of the Catalogue. deavours |