the condition of the Confederate States, many points of whose territories were occupied by Federal troops. The spirit of the North was as determined as ever to carry on this war, and if we stepped forward at such a moment and recognized the Southern States, it would be a most unfriendly act to the United States. At present our duty was to wait and stand still, and not to proceed to so decided and unfriendly an act as recognizing the South. We had, it was true, interfered in former times in Holland, in Portugal, and Greece, but we had interfered there in behalf of the independence and freedom of a great portion of mankind, and he should be sorry to see this country interfere for any other purposes. In conclusion, Earl Russell expressed his earnest hope that no interests, deeply as they might affect us-interests which imply the well-being of a great portion of our people, but interests which might affect, also, the freedom and happiness of other parts of the globe-would induce us to set an example different from that of our ancestors, but that when we did interfere, it would be an interference in the cause of liberty and to promote the freedom of mankind as heretofore. "Depend upon it, my lords," he added, "that if this war is to cease, it is far better it should cease by a conviction, both on the part of the North and the South, that they can never live again happily as one community and one republic, and that the termination of hostilities can never be brought about by the advice, the mediation, or the interference of any European Power."

This declaration was received with much manifestation of approval from the House, and the discussion was at once closed. No further movement in favour of recognition of the Southern States was made in the House of Lords, but in the other House, near the close of the Session, an animated debate took place upon the question, and some impressive speeches were delivered by members embracing the respective sides in the controversy. The motion in favour of recognition originated with Mr. Roebuck, who, in that vigorous and unflinching style for which he is remarkable, expressed his opinions upon the character of the contest and the views of the parties engaged in it. He was well aware, he said, of the obloquy to which he should expose himself by this motion, but in spite of this he made an appeal to the House to do what he asked. In order to make his argument complete, he traced the history of the United States from the period of the colonization of their territory to the establishment of their independence, which, he observed, introduced two principles of international morality, called international law; first, that any body of people desiring to throw off their allegiance, if they are able, are entitled to do so; secondly, that, as we made peace with France, who had assisted our revolted colonies, and had acknowledged their independence before we had done so, we should be justified in acknowledging the independence of people in the position of the Southern States of America. He then noticed the

uneasy relations which had of late years subsisted between the North and the South; the effects of the Tariff upon the latter, and the vain attempts by the South to release itself from its toils. He advocated the acknowledgment of the independence of the Confederate States, he said, first, because they had vindicated their right to independence; they had resisted the North, and conquered the North, having rolled back the tide of invasion; secondly, it was, as he proceeded to show, for our interest to recognize their independence. Then had the time arrived for this course of action? He contended that it had. All he asked was, that the Government should enter into negotiations with the great Powers to obtain their co-operation with us in the recognition of independence. The great Powers, he said, meant France; and he gave an account of his own interview with the Emperor of the French, and some important declarations made by the Emperor, who gave him, he said, authority to disclose them to that House. The Emperor of the French said, "As soon as I learnt that the rumour of an alteration in my views was circulating in England, I gave instructions to my Ambassador to deny the truth of it. Nay, more; I instructed him to say that my feeling was not, indeed, exactly the same as it was, because it was stronger than ever in favour of recognizing the South. I told him also to lay before the British Government my understanding and my wishes on this question, and to ask them still again whether they would be willing to join me in that recognition." "Now, sir," continued Mr. Roebuck, "there is no mistake about this matter. I pledge my veracity that the Emperor of the French told me that. And-what is more-I laid before His Majesty two courses of conduct. I said, 'Your Majesty may make a formal application to England.' He stopped me, and said, 'No; I cannot do that, and I will tell you why. Some months ago I did make a formal application to England. England sent my despatch to America. That despatch, getting into Mr. Seward's hands, was shown to my Ambassador at Washington. It came back to me; and I feel that I was ill-treated by such conduct. I will not,' he added, ‘I cannot subject myself again to the danger of similar treatment. But I will do every thing short of it. I give you full liberty to state to the English House of Commons this my wish, and to say to them that I have determined in all things'-(I will quote his words)-'I have determined in all things to act with England; and more than all things I have determined to act with her as regards America.' Well, sir, with this before us, can the Government be ignorant of this fact? I do not believe it. With this before them, are they not prepared to act in concert with France? Are they afraid of war? War with whom? With the Northern States of America? Why, in ten days, sir, we should sweep from the sea every ship. (Exclamations of dissent.) Yes, there are people so imbued with Northern feeling as to be indignant at that assertion. But the truth is known. Why, the

'Warrior' would destroy their whole fleet. Their armies are melting away; their invasion is rolled back; Washington is in danger; and the only fear which we ought to have is, lest the independence of the South should be established without us."

6

Mr. Roebuck repudiated with scorn the argument that the cause of the North was the cause of the slave. "We are met by the assertion, 'Oh, England cannot acknowledge a State in which slavery exists.' Indeed, I ask, is that really the case, and is any man so weak as to believe it? Have we not acknowledged Brazil? Are we not in constant communication with Russia? And is there not slavery in both those countries? Moreover, does any body believe that the black slave would be at all improved in his condition by being placed in the same position as the free black in the North? I ask whether the North, hating slavery if you will, does not hate the slave still more? (No, no.') I pity the ignorance of the gentleman who says No.' The blacks are not permitted to take an equal station in the North. They are not permitted to enter the same carriage, to pray to God in the same part of the church, or to sit down at the same table with the whites. They are like the hunted dog whom every body may kick. But in the South the feeling is very different. There black children and white children are brought up together. In the South there is not that hatred, that contempt of the black man which exists in the North. There is a kindly feeling in the minds of the Southern planters towards those whom England fixed there in a condition of servitude. England forced slavery upon the Southern States of America. It was not their doing. They prayed and entreated England not to establish slavery in their dominions, but we did it because it suited our interests, and the gentlemen who now talk philanthropy talked the other way. Every man who has studied the question will distinctly understand the difference between the feeling of the Northern gentleman and that of the Southern planter towards the black. There is a sort of horror, a sort of shivering in the Northerner when he comes across a black. He feels as if he were contaminated by the very fact of a black man being on an equality with him. That is not the case in the South. I am not now speaking in favour of slavery. Slavery to me is as distasteful as it is to any one; but I have learnt to bear with other men's infirmities, and I do not think every man a rogue or a fool who differs from me in opinion. But though I hate slavery, I cannot help seeing the great distinction between the condition of the black in the North and his condition in the South. I believe that, if to-morrow you could make all the blacks in the South like the free negroes in the North, you would do them a great injury. The cry of the North in favour of the black is a hypocritical cry, and to-morrow the North would join with the South and fasten slavery on the necks of the blacks, if the South would only re-enter the Union. But the South never will come into the Union, andwhat is more-I hope it never may. I will tell you why I say so.

SITY

America, while she was one, ran a race of prosperity unparalleled in the world. In eighty years, not America, but Europe, made the Republic such a Power that, if she had continued as she was a few" years ago, she would have been the great bully of the world. Why, sir, she

bestrode the narrow world,

Like a Colossus; and we petty men

Walked under her huge legs, and peeped about

To find ourselves dishonourable graves.'

As far as my influence goes, I am determined to do all I can to prevent the re-construction of the Union, and I hope that the balance of power on the American continent will in future prevent any one State from tyrannizing over the world as the Republic did."

Mr. Roebuck's motion was for an Address to the Crown praying that Her Majesty would negotiate with the Great Powers of Europe, in order to obtain their co-operation in recognizing the Southern States as a Government.

Lord R. MONTAGUE, who followed him in the debate, moved an amendment, expressing the desire of the House that the Government should continue to maintain an impartial neutrality. He discussed the question of intervention, referring to historical precedents and recognized doctrines of international law, and summed up his argument in three propositions :

First, That we had no right, in the present case, to recognize the independence of the Southern States, or to intervene in any way. Second,―That it would involve us in alliances, which were always productive of bickerings and quarrels among the allies. Third, That interference would be impolitic and injurious to the interests of this country, while it would not be likely to terminate the war.

The Prime Minister was not present in the House on this occasion in consequence of indisposition. The policy of the Government. was vindicated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He observed that this question should be approached with the best endeavours to suppress every thing like passion, and to deliver a judgment with the utmost impartiality. He thought they ought to be very cautious in giving British interests a prominent place in the question, which would vitiate every argument in favour of interference. With regard to both the motion and the amendment, his objection was, that they involved the assumption that the House of Commons should undertake a function which it had not thought it expedient to assume, the exercise of a discretion that ought to be left to the executive government, which had cognizance of circumstances occurring day by day. Besides this objection, the particular moment, when military operations were in progress upon which vast issues depended, was the most unfortunate that could be chosen. Then, the speech of Mr. Roebuck was couched in a spirit of undisguised partisanship towards the South and of

K

[1863. hostility to the North. After adverting to the lamentable scenes of the war, he expressed his belief that public opinion in this country was almost unanimous that the restoration of the American Union by force was impracticable, and that the emancipation of the negro race could not be legitimately accomplished by coercion and bloodshed. He was most anxious that the contest should be brought to an end; but did Mr. Roebuck think that recognition would bring it to an end? If he did, he joined issue with him. Recognition, though not inseparably connected with the use of force, was commonly accompanied by it; and recognition of the South would produce reaction in the North. He had more confidence in the influence of public opinion than in diplomatic action, especially on the part of those who might be suspected of selfish and interested motives.

Mr. W. E. FORSTER supported the amendment. He considered that recognition would be premature, and premature recognition would be a breach of neutrality, and would supply a casus belli to the North, if its Government chose to make use of it. He agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that it was probable that any approach to intervention would weaken the peace party in the North. The Conscription law had passed the Congress in consequence of the action of France. If the address was agreed to, there would, in his opinion, be a risk of war. However suicidal a war might appear on the part of the North, he could not say there was no chance of war. As to the question of slavery, though he was not one to justify the North in their conduct upon this question, we must look, he said, to results. In the North the old love of slavery was departing. It was believed that slavery and the Union could not co-exist. In the South, slavery was defended; there were to be races to serve and races to govern. The motion of Mr. Roebuck, if it meant any thing, meant intervention, the result of which might be to provoke a complicated civil war, embittering hostilities between the parties, and to doom the country to centuries of anarchy.

Lord ROBERT CECIL replied to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whose concessions, he thought, neutralized his objections. We did not want war; we wanted peace to relieve our suffering artisans. This was our title to interfere, it being the opinion of two great nations that the war in America was hopeless, and it was his belief that the expression of this opinion would carry enormous weight, and weaken the influence of the war party.

Mr. BRIGHT animadverted severely upon the speech of Mr. Roebuck, selecting particular expressions for special notice, and contrasting the terms in which he had spoken of the Emperor of the French that night and upon former occasions. Mr. Roebuck, he said, would help to break up a friendly nation, and create an everlasting breach between the two nations, because he deemed it for the interest of England. The whole case rested upon either a