seventeen, no single word will characterize them. What, for example, should we denominate the venera. ble Franklin? Even at the period we are treating of, with the snow of seventy winters on his head, and a reputation which extended all over Europe, his triumphant career was not ended, nor the versatility of his mighty powers fully developed. He was yet to conduct the most important and delicate foreign negotiations of his country, and to sit down at table with kings, honoring them by his presence more than they could honor him. We must call him Franklin-a name that requires no addition, but is itself an epitome of the achievements of sagacious wisdom, applied in almost all the departments of human life, and from their variety become familiar to every class of men.

executing the laws-nay, if we look even to their individual labors and occupations-we shall then be prepar ed to admit, that in all which constitutes the real worth of man-in the gifts of nature in the advantages of education and culture-even in the lighter acquirements which give currency in society-as men, as patriots, and as gentlemen, it is but the simple truth to say, that, as a body, the Congress of 1776 never was equalled.

There is one point still to be adverted to in relation to this distinguished assemblage. It may be stated in a very few words. The greater part of those who composed it had been liberally educated. Of the fifty six members, eighteen were graduates of colleges in this country. Three were graduates of the University of Cambridge in England-and one of the University of Edingurgh. Seven had received their education at other public seminaries. Fourteen had been instructed in liberal learning by private tutors or intelligent parents. Eight had received some elementary education, and of three the early history has not been learned. But nature was not entirely without her witnesses upon this eventful occasion. Two there were, who were literally self-taught-who had never received the least instruction from others, and, yet, overcoming the diffi. culties of their early condition, had accomplished them-test, and a full sense of the horrors of war brought to selves in knowledge by their own unaided exertions become distinguished in a learned profession, and qualified for association with the selected wisdom of the country. These were Sherman and Walton, one of whom was originally a shoemaker, and the other a car-ried with them to the place of assemblage-it was this penter.

Besides this, however, there was an instruction they had received, without which, all else might perhaps have been of little avail. These colonies had, în sub. stance, been free representative republics from the beginning-subject in name to the dominion of Great Britain, but actually managing their most important concerns by their own assemblies, with little interference on the part of the parent state. They had constantly present to their view the image of republican government. Republicanism was thus become habitual, a part of the nature of the inhabitants of the colonies—an inbred feeling, which was always prompt to assert the rights of the colonists, and to resist every attempt at encroachment or oppression in whatever form it presented itself. From the first effort of Great Britain to exercise an unwarranted authority over these colonies in the year 1765, the nature of their rights and the limits of the just authority of the parent state, had been the subject of continual and earnest discussion, in the course of which, under the quickening influence of a deep and powerful feeling, the minds of men became rapidly en lightened as to the true state of the question, and along with the lingering doubt of their ability to sustain a con

their doors, there could still be discerned, in every quarter of the country, a fixed determination, at every hazard, to assert and to maintain their freedom. It was this spirit which the members of the first Congress car

spirit which presided over their councils-and it was this same spirit which, when memorial and remonstrance had been exhausted, solemnly declared from the Hall of Independence, that the colonial condition was ended

In the whole number there was not a single titled personage, nor one who in the established language of Europe would have been called a statesman. Perhaps there were few, if any, who, according to the settled that in its place a nation had come into existence, arrangements of European etiquette, could then have ready to follow the example of the patriots who had been received at court. Several there were, such as bled at Lexington and at Bunker's Hill, and, feeble, Hancock, Carroll, and others, who had visited foreign inexperienced, undisciplined, and unprovided as it was, countries, and enjoyed the opportunity of observing to maintain the justice of its cause, and relying upon society in its different forms. One too had occupied a the favor of Heaven, to meet in hostile combat the gisort of semi-diplomatic station, as agent in England of gantic power and veteran arms of England. From that several of the colonies, and even in that humble charac-day, this nation dates its existence. The Declaration of ter had found occasion to manifest and to exercise his Independence is the authentic registry of its birth. transcendant abilities, and with keen and penetrating This common and pervading love of freedom-this glance to discern and seize upon the occasions for serv- deep-rooted determination to submit to no encroachment ing his country. When Franklin stood before the col- upon their rights, this universal and clear perception of lected wisdom of the British House of Commons, as a the consequences of submitting to an attempt on the witness, he exhibited a wisdom above them all. When part of Great Britain to usurp the province of their own he stood alone, in the midst of enemies before the Privy immediate representatives, this it was, with the natural Council, he was as unmoved by the deliberate and piti- and unavoidable conclusion that in Union alone there ful sarcasm of Wedderburn, as when he drew down the was strength and safety, which caused the colonies first lightning from the clouds-in both instances, with an to meet in Congress, by delegates charged with their intrepidity equal to his deep sagacity, coolly gathering authority and instructions. These delegates first met instruction from the raging tempest, which seemed to at Philadelphia, on the 5th September, 1774, when, as be bursting upon his head. Vain, indeed, was the ex- has already been stated, eleven of what are called in the pectation, that he, who had invited a personal commu- Journal, the several colonies and provinces in North nication with the forked thunderbolt in its greatest fury, America," assembled at the Carpenter's Hall. It is not should be intimidated by the tongue of man, or disturb- necessary now to occupy your time with an inquiry ed in his purpose by impotent abuse, though studiously when or where, or how, the idea of independence and envenomed with all the poison that could be extracted a separate existence first began, or by what means it from the stores of classical vituperation. finally obtained the sanction of the 4th July 1776. The history of this momentous period of our country enables us to discover two leading truths, of far greater importance in the present times. Freedom was the end and object of our forefathers, and independence was the mean to attain it, when every thing else had failed. This is the first of these truths. "Nor have we been wanting," says the Declaration of Independence, “in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time, of attempts by their Legislature to

If from the period on which our eye has been fixed, we follow the members of that illustrious Congress through their subsequent lives-see them in arduous foreign employment, managing the most intricate negotiations with the trained and experienced statesmen and diplomatists of Europe-in high and responsible stations at home, speaking the language and maintaining the rights of their country, or perfecting the institutions of her freedom-or in subordinate offices, administering and

gress were above all conspicuous in the means they employed to cherish, to strengthen, and consolidate, what the hand of Providence had offered to their acceptance. From the moment of their first assembling, it was the dearest object of their concern and care; and when, having indissolubly bound it together, they pledged "their lives and fortunes and their sacred honour," they did so in the name of one united people, who were henceforth to take their equal rank among the nations of the earth. "When," says that cherished instrument, "in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the nations of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them." And again, it says, "appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, we do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare," thus in every emphatic passage, when it addresses mankind, and when it invokes the aid and favour of Heaven-in its resolutions, its appeals, its prayers, speaking with the tongue, and breathing the devout aspirations of one people, and that one, the people of all these colonies.

extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we do the rest of mankind, "enemies in war, in peace friends." The other is not less obvious nor less entitled to our deep and solemn attention. As independence was necessary to freedom, so was union necessary to independence. Independence was not declared till a thorough union was established. As long as the Congress was composed only of the representatives of Colonies, continuing to acknowledge their dependence, and humbly petitioning for a redress of grievances; as long as redress was looked for, with any hope of obtaining it; as long as any intention remained of returning to their allegiance, if their grievances were redressed; so long was the union of their counsels but temporary, to cease when the occasion for it should no longer exist. But when the patriotic sages, intrusted with the care of their country's freedom, began to perceive "the necessity which denounced a se- From that time forward, from the great epoch of the paration," they felt that the union must be drawn closer, 4th of July, 1776, we have been one people, and blessed and be made perpetual-till that was effected, indepen-be the great Dispenser of human events, we are stil one dence could not be asserted, nor freedom secured. They people. The articles of confederation, which followed saw distinctly that union was as necessary to indepen- not very long after the Declaration of Independence, dence, as independence was to freedom; and in their are in the same spirit. They are styled in the preamenlightened view they were but one. They did not, ble "Articles of Confederacy and PERPETUAL UNION," therefore, declare independence till they were ready And to establish at once, for every individual, the sure also to announce an union, and when they proclaimed ground of national character, and of right throughout the existence of the nation, they proclaimed it with in- the Union, they declare that "the free inhabitants of separable and indissoluble attributes of union, indepen- each of these States shall be entitled to all privileges dence, and freedom. and immunities of free citizens in the several States."

Up to the date of the Declaration of Independence, the members of Congress, as we have seen, were the representatives of Colonies and not of States. Till then, no states existed. In that instrument, they style them selves, for the first time, the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, and they declare that these "United Colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent states." From this it is evident, as would naturally be supposed, that the union of the colonies actually preceded the Declaration of Independence, and the existence of States, and is in truth the oldest of our rights. It was the Union that created the states, and not the states that created the Union. It is the Union too, be it ever remembered, that was as much wrested from England, by force of arms, as Independence itself.

For both

If more were wanting to illustrate the wisdom and patriotism of that matchless representative body, and to endear their memory to our hearts, we should find it in the fruits of their labours. Scarcely had the annunciation gone forth, till this Union was formally received into the family of nations, and treaties formed with one of the oldest powers of the world-treaties, be it remembered, perpetual in their terms and obliga tions, and such as a perpetual Union could alone enter into. Union gave to our country consideration and respect abroad, and entitled her to take her place among the nations. Listen to the language of Congress, when presenting the articles of "confederation and perpetual union," in their circular, dated "Yorktown, November 17th, 1777." "Let them be examined with a liberality becoming brethren and fellow citizens surfor the same illustrious prize, and deeply interested in rounded by the same imminent dangers, contending being for ever bound and connected together by ties the most intimate and indissoluble; and finally, let them be adjusted with the temper and magnanimity of wise and patriotic legislators, who, while they are concerned for the prosperity of their own more immediate circle, are capable of rising superior to local attachments, when they may be incompatible with the safety, happiness,

Union, Independence, and Freedom, are what that illustrious body of sages and patriots established for us, as the lasting pillars of our happiness. Union first, and then Independence. It no more entered into their minds to conceive that the one would cease, than the other. For both they toiled and suffered. our fathers fought and bled, and both they have delivered to us, as the common right of every free citizen of the United States, which no power on earth can just-and glory of the general confederacy." ly require him to part with or surrender. Union, as well as Independence and Freedom, is the birth-right of every child born in these United States. He is born to the inheritance of a nation's glory, to the enjoyment of a nation's protection and power, to the high privilege of a nation's name, to something to love and to honor, to a country upon which he can proudly fix his affections, in whose prosperity he can rejoice, towards which he can direct his eye when abroad, and to whose avenging power he can appeal when menaced with insult or danger.

The favour of Heaven-signal as it has been, and claiming at all times our most devout gratitude-has been in nothing more manifest than in producing this Union. The wisdom and patriotism of the first Con

"More than any other consideration it will confound the disaffected, strengthen and confirm our friends, our foreign enemies, defeat the flagitious practices of support our public credit, restore the value of our mo ney, enable us to maintain our fleets and armies, and add weight and respect to our councils at home, and

to our treaties abroad." *

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* "* It seems essential to our very existence as a free people, and without it, we may liberty, and safety-blessings, which, from the justice of soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, to our cause, and the favour of our Almighty Creator, visibly manifested in our protection, we have reason to expect, if, in an humble dependence upon his divine providence, we strenuously exert the means which are placed in our power."

cessful purpose, looking beyond the generation which effects it, seems to find its chief inducement in the accumulation of blessings for future ages. The way of the patriot then, though it may be rugged and toil some, and surrounded with many dangers, is cheerful and onward. Animated by the encouraging countenance and support of his countrymen, he has also the approbation of his own conscience, and can appeal with confidence to the protection and favour of Heaven. And when his labours are ended, he retires with the feelings of satisfaction which belong to one who has been a benefactor of mankind, and with the soothing hope-it cannot be called an infirmity-that his memory will be cherished with kindness by a grateful posterity, and his example be a guide to the footsteps of those who may come after him to take charge of the destinies of his country.

Union emboldened our countrymen to enter upon the hazardous conflict. Union enabled them to carry it triumphantly through. When Washington left the hall of Congress in June, 1775, unanimously elected to command the armies of our country, he carried with him a commission from "the delegates of the United Colonies." "Supported," to use his own words, "by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme pover of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven," he drew his sword in the name and the services of the Union; and when, having accomplished the glorious purpose for which he had taken the field, he restored that sword to its scabbard, he returned his commission, in December, 1783, to the representatives of the sovereignty of the Union-to" the United States in Congress assembled," then acknowledged by the whole world to be a sovereign and independent nation. When, in the process of time, the articles of confederation were found to be insufficient, and especially when it was seen that they did not adequately secure the Union, the people of the United States, in the same spirit which from their first existence as a people had governed and guided their feelings and their councils, framed the present Constitution of the United States, declaring its first object to be "to form a more perfect Union."

The history of the blessings dispensed to our country and to the first Congress, is not yet complete. It seems, indeed, as if that era in our annals had been permitted by a gracious Providence to be crowned with every distinction that could command admiration and respect, or endear its memory to the ages that were to come. In other revolutions, of any continuance, it has been remarked, that those who began the work have generally fallen victims to the fury of the storm they In Union, we have found safety, prosperity, and had been instrumental in raising. Even when they have honor. With it, we have enjoyed the fullest measure escaped with their lives, they have generally lost their of the blessings of independence and freedom. By it, popularity and their power, and often have been doomwe are the heirs of the fame of our ancestors, which ed not only to suffer degradation themselves, but to equally enriches us all, and partake of the common witness also the destruction of the hopes they had con. glory of being the countrymen of those who have earn-ceived for the cause which incited them to action. We ed unfading renown. Union is connected with every are not surprised at this. When we consider the nature eventful period in our history-it is inscribed upon of man and his passions-the nature of faction, its every glorious achievement in our annals-it is the headlong rage, and its mad inconstancy-how, when very condition of our existence as a nation-it is the the public feeling is highly wrought, fits of blind concondition upon which we hold whatever we venerate fidence are rapidly succeeded by fits of equally blind in the past, whatever we enjoy in the present, and hatred and suspicion-how, in moments of disappointwhatever we hope in the future for ourselves and our ment, vengeance seeks for objects upon which to inchildren. Union is our country. We have never known dulge itself-how, in the midst of excitement, irreguanother. Without it-the vision of patriotism cannot lar ambition, with the mask of patriotism, is prowling endure the contemplation of such a scene, but turns about to take advantage of men's weakness, and lurk from it with dismay and horror-without it, we may ing treason watches its occasions to inflict a woundhave a spot to live upon, a place to breathe in, com how too, the hand becomes familiar with the sword, forts perhaps even greater than we deserve-but we and how the sword, wielded by a strong arm, is apt to cannot have that country which has been the object make itself the arbiter, and with one confounded blow, of our affections and respect-that glorious country, under pretence of terminating the reign of disorder, to which our fathers redeemed from bondage and raised crush the hopes of freedom by silencing its advocatesup to be the admiration of the world-that country by when we consider these things, and consider too that which we are associated with the heroes and sages of the struggle for our independence lasted nearly ten the Revolution, and are enabled to say, that we are the years-language is too feeble to express the emotions countrymen of Washington and Franklin--that coun- we feel of astonishment, and gratitude, and virtuous try, which makes us partakers of the favours and bles exultation, when we find that the patriots who began sings vouchsafed to her in such rich abundance, by a the revolution were those who carried it through. gracious Providence, in all the times that are past. We Some of them, as we have seen, died before its termimay have another-but never, never, never, such an nation. But, not one of them perished in any strife one as God in his goodness has given us in the day of with his countrymen-not one of them lost the confiour fathers. dence of his country, nor did one ever desert her interests, or even incur the suspicion of want of zeal in her service. Of all indeed, who were intrusted in any department, there was but one who proved a traitor. With that solitary exception of a miserable profligate, whose name has become synonymous with infamy, and unworthy to be mentioned, all, who were living, lived with honour. All who were dead, slept in honoured graves. One radiant light shone upon them all, when the voices, which in the beginning had joined in supplication for aid and favour in the hour of trial, ascended together, at the end, in praises and thanksgiving to Him who had given the victory.

That such a representative body was assembled as the one our thoughts have been directed to, must be ascribed to the character of the people by whom they were selected. Wisdom and virtue in the representa. tive, where the choice is free, are an argument of wisdom and virtue in those by whom he is chosen. Nor is this all. As the measures which in succession were adopted by Congress, derived their support from the people, and that support was cheerfully granted, at whatever cost, it cannot be but that the same sentiments which governed the proceedings of the public councils, reigned also in the hearts of the people, and reigned with undivided sway. Happy, indeed, must they be Still the aggregate of their felicity is not fully dis. esteemed, whose fortunate lot it is to act in times when closed. Something remains yet to be said, to exhibit one great overruling purpose governs all desires, and the full measure of the reward of their patriotic wisthat one purpose such as justice and patriotism can dom and constancy. Many of them were permitted to warmly espouse. Happier still are they who are ena- live, as it were, with their posterity-to enter with them bled to accomplish what justice and patriotism command into the enjoyment of the fruits of their toils-to witthem to undertake. Happiest of all, when this suc-ness the growth of their country, and the expanding

influence of her free institutions and to receive the unaffected homage of the increasing millions made happy by their patriotic labours. How they were honoured, I need not tell you. How they were confided in, you well know. Of the members of that Congress, six were members of the convention which formed the present Constitution of the United States. Two were Presidents of the United States. One was Vice President, and many others were appointed to stations of the highest trust and confidence. Their country never grew weary of exhibiting her grateful sense of their services and their virtues.

struction, something entering into our very organiza tion, and made a part of our nature, so as to determine instinctively all our conduct in relation to our country. Nothing else will secure to us the continuance of the blessings we enjoy. Without it, the forms of free government may be but a dead letter. Look at our near est neighbor, a nation, which, like our own, has passed from a colonial state to independence, and framed for herself a constitution as nearly as possible resembling that under which we are in the possession of peace and freedom. Can you discern in her present condition any thing which deserves to be called the working of a free constitution? At this very moment, the question of who shall wield the power of the State, is depending not upon the result of an election by the citizens, but upon the issue of battles between contending armies. The sword, instead of the ballot box, is again to decide the controversy, as it has done twice within the last five years.

gained, all could rejoice, for it has never been a victory over our countrymen. We have differed about men, and we have differed about measures, but always in a spirit of submission to the Constitution, and of attachment to the Union. And when, according to the fundamental law of free government, the will of a ma jority has been constitutionally declared, as to men or as to measures, we have peacefully acquiesced. The voice of every one is heard, but the voice of the majori ty must govern. This is the great pervading vital principle of our constitutions. Whatever may be the dis tribution of powers, however they may be modified in their investment or exercise, from one great source, they are all derived-from a majority of the people. That such a government, so simple in its structure, so clear in its purpose, should be found adequate to all the legitimate objects for which government is instituted among men, who can doubt? Look around upon this land-trace its progress from the moment when it shook off the trammels of colonial subjection, and started in the career of independent national existence

Shall we here conclude this slight and imperfect sketch of the extraordinary happiness which was the reward of these illustrious men? One yet remains, greater than all the rest. They lived in the faith, and they were permitted to die in the persuasion, that whatever other chastisement might befall their beloved country, she was not doomed to suffer the affliction of disunion. The father of his country, in the inestima- How different has been the lot of that happy counble legacy of advice and instruction, he bequeathed to try which we are permitted to call our own. The us when he took leave of public employment, dwelt sword has never been drawn in it, but against a comwith parental solicitude upon the vital topic of union.mon, public enemy. Wherever our arms were seen, the He warned us that it would be assailed "by internal flag of the Union floated over them, and was the sign and external enemies, constantly and actively, though in which all conquered. In every victory that has been often covertly and insidiously." And while he warned, he exhorted us "to frown indignantly upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties that now link together its various parts." He could not but feel assured that such advice would be obeyed, and that one indignant and withering frown would settle on him, who openly and directly, or "covertly and insidiously," under whatever name or pretext, should aim a dagger at the heart of his country, by seeking to destroy or to "enfeeble" the Union. Adams and Jefferson, though they lived to the end of the fiftieth year, breathed their last breath among a people firmly unit. ́ed, and rejoicing in their union. And Carroll-he who outlived them all-was he in this respect less happy than the rest? Was his aged heart disturbed by the fear that the exhortation of Washington might prove to be unavailing? Was the dim sight of the venerable survivor afflicted with visions of ruin to his country-his ear invaded with strange words, of spurious coinage, and of evil. augury, unknown to the vocabulary of the patriots and sages of the Revolution? Believe it not. what has the world ever seen that can be compared The last pulsation of the heart had in it a remnant of to it? What does the world now contain that bears any the vigour of the Congress of 1776. That eye had been resemblance to it? The eyes of mankind are fixed upaccustomed to look through gloom and darkness, and on us with earnest attention, watching the great expesee beyond, a glorious light. That ear had heard the riment. Will it succeed? For more than fifty years threats of confiscation and the halter, and did not heed it has succeeded. It has outlived the longest lives of them. Standing upon the rock of the Union, with those who united to establish it. They are now all in Washington, and Franklin, and Hancock, and Adams, their graves. Their work still survives them-the and Jefferson, and their illustrious associates, he had same which they created, and bearing the same im braved the power of the British empire in arms against press as in the beginning, Union, Independence, Free his infant country, and in the Union had found safety dom. Why shall it not stand? We are stronger than and triumph. The storm had raged around them, but they were in numbers and in wealth. Are we weaker the rock was immoveable. Could such a man be sud- in wisdom and in virtue? Are we less able to appre denly persuaded, that madness had overtaken one por-ciate the blessings provided for us, less willing to make tion of his countrymen; and degenerate fear another? I say again, believe it not. Let us be assured, that he too was permitted to depart with the unshaken and firm conviction, that there was still enough of the spirit of the Revolution to preserve its work.

In this imperfect and hasty glance at the composition, character, and services of the illustrious band, who stood forward as the representatives of the Union, to assert, and at every hazard to maintain the independence of our country, it will at once be perceived, that little more has been attempted than to point to the sources of information, and to invite to a more thorough examination of them. It is well for us to dwell, and to dwell frequently and earnestly, upon all that belongs to that period-to study it, to fill our minds and our hearts with it, not as a theme of discourse and panegyric merely, but as a living principle of action, a deep and fixed in

the exertions necessary for preserving them? A doubt implies degeneracy. It supposes a want of enlightened patriotism-an unaccountable blindness to our own true interests-an incredible indifference to the happiness of those who are to come after us-an unheard of insensibility to the great trust committed to our keeping. For sure it is, that if ever this glorious fabric should fall to ruins-which may Heaven in its mercy forbid-it must be because there is not wisdom and virtue enough to support it. The age in which it perishes, will be the opposite of that in which it was constructed; and as the one has earned undying fame, the other will merit universal execration.

From thoughts like these, let us endeavour to find consolation and assurance in the careful and constant study of the past-applying our hearts to extract from it lessons that may keep alive our vigilance, and in ex

igency remind us of our duty. Our greatest danger Such was the occasion which gained for Mr. Carroll his may perhaps be found to lie in what would seem to be first signal distinction. The Governor of Maryland our chief happiness. Our ancestors had to struggle undertook to settle a table of fees by proclamation. It with adversity. We are to guard against the seductions was supported by its friends as a just exertion of preof prosperity, an enemy not less to be dreaded. It rogative. On the other side, it was opposed as an atbinds and lulls us with a false security, and thus enfee-tempt to tax without the consent of the people's reprebles and unnerves us, until, at last, nothing is desired sentatives, and an arbitrary and unjustifiable assumpbut ease. It is not in the order of Providence that tion of power. Among its advocates was one, who, in blessings should be secured or preserved, without exer- the form of a dialogue between two citizens, the first of tion and watchfulness. The moment when they are whom opposed the proclamation, and the second sup most likely to be lost, is that in which, with a slumber- ported it, gave the whole argument, and of course the ing and imperfect sense of their value, there is an utter victory, to the latter. Mr. Carroll took up the arguwant of all sense of their exposure to risk. Perhaps it ment which had thus been purposely betrayed, and may be a new mercy to our country, if occasionally we under the signature of the "First Citizen," exhibited should be aroused by some alarm, requiring us to ex- a power and a patriotic energy which immediately enamine more carefully into our condition, to cling more gaged universal attention. One sentence particularly, closely to the spirit of the institutions which are the which is quoted in his biography, shows how his mind foundation of our happiness, and to endeavour to in- was already ripened in patriotic decision, and impressspire our hearts with that true and active and enlight-ed with that deliberate firmness which characterized ened patriotism, which shed its benignant influence the subsequent proceedings of our country. "What over the early history of our nation. If such a period was done?" he exclaims: "The authority of the chief be now come, who can deny that it is accompanied with magistrate interposed, and took the decision of this the most affecting and impressive circumstances? The important question from the other branches of the le cloud seems to be gathering directly over the grave of gislature, to itself In a land of freedom, this urbitrary the last of the signers, as if it had waited till death had exertion of prerogative, will not, must not, be endured." closed his eyes, leaving the past all bright and radiant, Thanks from all quarters were addressed to the vir and over the future, stretching a curtain of darkness. tuous champion of the rights of the citizen, and Mr. Carroll rose at once to the highest station in the confidence of the people.

It would ill befit the present occasion to inquire how this sudden change has been wrought. We are assembled for other purposes. We are here to commune with the illustrious dead, whose names are associated with the bright period of our history, and especially to commemorate that one of them who was permitted to outlive the rest, and, as the survivor, for years beyond the ordinary period of man's life, to enjoy the undivided reverence, and affections of a grateful country.

In this resolute determination he continued. The accomplishments of education, the goods of fortune, the rank they enabled him to assume, were devoted for his country, with an entire disregard of the sacri fice his devotion might require, of ease, of enjoyment, of wealth, perhaps even of life itself. In a letter to a member of Parliament, who, in writing to him, had asserted that six thousand English soldiers would march from one end of the continent to the other, he made this memorable reply. "So they may, but they will be masters only of the spot on which they encamp. They will find nought but enemies before and around them. If we are beaten on the plains, we will retreat to the mountains and defy them. Our resources will increase with our difficulties. Necessity will force us to exertion; until tired of combating in vain, against a spirit, which victory after victory cannot subdue, your armies will evacuate our soil, and your country retire, an immense loser, from the contest. No sir-we have made up our minds to abide the issue of the approaching struggle, and though much blood may be spilt, we have no doubt of our ultimate success. Nursed as he had been in the lap of tenderness, he was made of the hardy material which forms a patriot, and willing with his country to abide the issue of her struggle for freedom.

Of the men who have acted a distinguished part in public affairs, no one can be selected, who, looking only to h's personal condition, would seem to have had less motive for desiring a change, than Charles Carroll of Carrollton. He was born at Annapolis, in Maryland, on the 20th September, 1737. His grandfather, an Irishman by birth, came to this country in 1691. His father was a man of great wealth, and Charles Carroll of Carrollton was born to an inheritance, which might well be called princely. His education was luxurious, if such a term can ever be applied to what is bestowed in the culture and discipline of the mind or the formation of character-it is meant however only to denote, that the judicious affection of his father, provided for him every advantage which seemed to be proper for enabling him to enter upon life as became the position he was to occupy. At a very early age he was sent to Europe. There he was placed in a college of English Jesuits at St. Omers. After remaining in that institution for six years, he was placed in a College at Rheims. Thence, in about a year, he was sent to the college of Louis Le Grand. From Louis Le Grand, at the expiration of two years, he went to Bourges to study the civil law, and after remaining there for one year, returned to Paris, where he remained till 1757. In that year he went to London, and commenced the study of law in the Temple. In 1764, he returned to his native country, at the age of twenty-seven.

In January 1775, he was appointed a member of the first committee of observation established at Annapolis, and in the same year was elected a delegate in the provincial Convention. In February, 1776, his talents and his services in the general cause being well known, Congress conferred on him, though not a member, the distinguished honor of associating him with Doctor Franklin and Samuel Chase, as Commissioners to Canada to endeavour to induce the inhabitants to join in opposition to Great Britain. The nature and importance of that commission, and the magnitude of its powers, sufficiently attest the extensive confidence reposed in him.

Soon after this period, the questions between the colonies and the mother country began to be agitated. The pen of Carroll was among the first that were actively and successfully engaged on the side of the From Canada he returned to the Convention, and colonies. After the stamp act was repealed, there was there exerted himself with all his power, to obtain a a moment of seeming calm. But even then it was easy withdrawal of the instructions by which the delegates to perceive, that the spirit which had been raised, was of Maryland in Congress had been forbidden to concur by no means quieted. There was a watchful jealousy in declaring the colonies free and independent States. awakened, and though the great point which had first roused it into action was withdrawn, yet it manifested itself continually, upon every occasion when the liberty or rights of the citizens seemed to be encroached upon.

They were withdrawn, and on the second of July, 1776, the delegates from Maryland were in possession of authority to vote for independence.

In July, 1776, he was elected a delegate to Congress,