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been made to divest Salt Water of its disagreeable taste, are the most observable things in this section.- To this succeeds a discussion of the characteristics, qualities, and effects of the Epsom and Cheltenham Waters; the difference between which is, said to be, that the former is never known to be putrid, being but an impregnation of water with a pure native vitriolate salt, with a little bittern, some earth, and a very small portion of alcaline matter : the latter is reported to be sometimes fetid, and to contain a volatile vitriolic acid, charged with iron, in the proportion of about half a grain to a pint ; a greater quantity of earth, partly selenite, but mostly calcarious, and the same kind of salt, more consistent, and with much less bittern. Scarborough Medicated Waters, are judged to partake of the same principles with Cheltenham.

In the next section, which takes up more than half the volume, are considered Medicated Waters of the subacid, chalybeat kind. Of these our Author reckons in the principality of Liege, and its neighbourhood, fifteen different springs; most of which, together with the Waters of Tunbridge in Kent, were subjected to chemical torture. The Doctor's experiments upon these waters, are not only very numerous, but seem to have been conducted with every necessary circumstance of exactness: from whence he determines them all to be impregnated upon the same principles, and, tho' in different proportions, with the same ingredients, viz. “1. A moft

exalted subtle volatile fluid; with 2. a considerable portion of most fine, elastic air ; 3. a martial earth, or iron spoiled by solution, or otherwise, of its phlogiston and metallising principle; 4. carth partly absorbent or calcarious,

partly selenite; 5. alcaline salt, and some partake of a small • portion, or, as that of Tunbridge, chiefly consist, of mu

riatic falt; 6. some portion of the oily matter inherent to all water; and 7. of the great basis of all Auids, the aque

ous element; all most intimately blended, as they are won• derfully produced by the inimitable chemistry of parent Na( ture.'—This volume concludes with some apposite directions for the choice of the seasons, and manner of using these Waters.

The natural warm baths of Aken (or, as more commonly called, of Aix-la Chapelle); of Borset, a neighbouring village there; of the Bath in England, and the waters of Bristol, employ the third volume of this treatise; in no part of which are our Author's application and capacity for enquiries of this fort more conspicuous, than in his investigation of these several waters. Common opinion has generally

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hitherto supposed a considerable analogy between the German and British baths: this Dr. Lucas positively contradicts, and from a great variety of experiments, insists upon their being widely diffimilar. According to his analysis, they differ and agree in the following points.--' 1. These baths have evidently one, • common basis, fimple water ; heated by similar means, an

ignited and decomposing pyrite, with the volatile parts of • which the one is impregnated, by the waters running over • the heated pyrite, without coming into contact with it; « whileft the other, by running at the bottom or lower part 6 of, or through the like pyrite, possibly less sulphureous,

or being delivered at a greater distance from the heated mi

neral, appears charged chiefly with the more fixed parts. < With respect to heat, this appears in different degrees; the « source of the Emperor's bath in Aken raising the mercury to * 136; the pump of the King's bath, at Bath, to 119 in the

pump-room, 120 in the bath.-2. They have an acid much • of the same nature, more volatile in Aken, partly volatile, • but mostly fixed, at Bath.-3. Aken water deposites a pale 5 earthy matter, which grows black in its sewers; Bath, a

yellow martial or ochrous earth.--4. A phlogiston, or sub· til inflammable principle, passing generally with vulgar ob« fervers, and pretending analysers of waters, for fulphur, 6 when it is, in fact, but one of its constituent parts, is evi

dent to the senses, and proved by various demonstrative ex

periments in Aken; but this can, in no shape, be shewn in · Bath waters, by any experiment that has yet occurred to the

favourers of this opinion, more than to me; whereas its de• fects appear by many incontestible proofs.-5. The solid ' contents of the Emperor's bath at Aken, are from 37 to 40°

granes in a pint ; of which, about the eleventh part is an abTorbent earth, with some selenite, the rest a twofold falt, partly purely alcaline, and partly muriatic; whileft the con

tents of the same quantity of King's bath water, at Bath, • are about fixteen granes and three quarters; of which about

one thirty-eighth part of a grane is iron; somewhat less than •

seven granes earth, partly calcarious, partly selenite; the • rest, being ten granes, consisting of about one third Glau• ber's falts, and two thirds sea-lalt, without any proof an « alcaline falt, or nitre, or fulphur.'

With respect to the Bristol waters, the Doctor's sentiments are, that they differ from those of Bath, onely in the latter's

containing a small quantity of iron; and some small disparity in the proportions of the oily matter, and the other in. gredients which each holds in common.'

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· If we have contented ourselves with thus giving our Au. thor's general deductions from his experiments, it is not that there are wanting several other things in his Essay, well worthy of attention, among which we must recommend his animadversions on the promiscuous use of bathing at Bath.—A point more especially laboured, is to prove, that all medicated, chalybeate, or thermal waters, derive their salutary qualities, hot or cold, from pyritæ : the hypothesis is probable and fimple, but not new ; Dr. Lister is here ad. mitted to have mentioned it before; it was then warmly opposed, particularly by a physician at Manchester, who alfo appeals to facts * to prove the contrary. This opinion has been revived, and strongly supported within these few years; and it is more than possible, that those who have read Henckell's Pyrotologia, or Macquer's Elemens de Chymie, may apprehend Dr. Lucas little entitled to the merit of having made many great discoveries : however, he has not forgot to acknowlege his obligations to Hoffman, Boerhaave, and Muschenbroeck.

The Doctor's orthographical fingularities we pass over, because, tho' they render him less agreeable, they do not make him less instructive: but the candid Reader will be more offended at the asperity with which he treats those from 'whom he diflents; and which often makes such near approaches to ill manners, that even when we are pleafed with the sagacity and learning of the Chymift, we regret the absence of the Gentleman.

• Mense elapfo a viro cl. Domino Johanne Floyer, Milite et M. D. Collegii Reginenfis apud Oxonium, literam recepi amicissimam; qua se venturum ad balneum Buxionense mihi notum fecit. Novitatem avide recepi, et die vicessimo decimo mensis elapfi ibi terrarum ei obvius eram. Juxta balneum Buxtonense ei petram de-, montrabam alumine, vitriolo, fulphure et ochra gravidam, ex qua aqua communi acidulas artificiales nullo negotio paravimus. Ex eadem petra ei acidulam naturalem pullulantem demonftrabam. His conspectis poft varios discursus, lubens illius consensum præbuit principiis supra recitatis: sc. acidulas solummodo imprægnari et haud pyrita vegetante, cujus hac petra nulla funt velligia, nec quovis artificio eadem petra pyrites inveniri poteft. Ab his et argumentis quibufdam habitis, de acidularum principiis fe haud ulterius dubitare pronuntiavit, et hæc orbi literario communicari exoptavit.

Polfcriptum ad Exercitationem de Aquis Mineralibus,

Authore Carolo Leigh, M. D. 1697.



For SEPTEMBER, 1756.

Memoirs of Maximilian de Bethune, Duke of Sully, Prime Mi

nister to Henry. the Great. Continued from Page 106, and Concluded.


N our account of the first volume of this work, we have

attempted something like an abridgment of the contents

of the ten books of which that volume consists; but as the great length of the work will not permit us to pursue the fame method any farther, without trespassing too much upon the patience of our readers, we shall only select a few such farther particulars, as, we hope, may be agreeable to the public; referring, for the rest, to the Memoirs themselves, a truly inexhaustible fund of political learning !

In the twelfth book we have the following account of Henry's journey to Calais, (anno 1601) and of the feemingly once intended interview betwixt him and Queen Elizabeth, who advanced upon that occafion as far as Dover.-" The Queen • of England hearing the King was at Calais, thought it a fa« vourable opportunity to satisfy her impatience of seeing and

embracing her best friend. Henry was not less desirous of • this interview, that he might confer with the Queen upon the

affairs of Europe in general, as well as on their own in ' particular. Elizabeth first wrote him a letter, equally po

lite and full of offers of service; she afterwards made him

the usual compliments, and repeated those aflurances by the • Lord Edmund, whom the dispatched to Calais, till the herVOL. XV.


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self could arrive at Dover, from whence she sent the Lord Sidney with other letters.—Henry resolving not to be out

done in complaisance, answered these advances in a manner • that shewed at once his respect for the sex of Elizabeth, and

his esteem and admiration of her character. This inter

course continued a long time, to the great mortification of " the Spaniards, whose jealousy was strongly excited by prox<imity and close correípondence. Of all the letters wrote s, by these two Sovereigns on this occafion, I am poffeffed 011• ly of that in which Elizabeth informs the King, of those <obstacles that prevented her conferring with him in person;

lamenting the unhappiness of Princes, who, contrary to < their inclinations, were slaves to forms, and fettered by cir( cumspection. This letter, because it was the occasion of

the voyage I made to this Princess, I have kept in my hands; sin it she tells her " most dear and well-beloved brother, “ (for so lhe called the King of France) that her concern at « not being able to see him, was so much the greater, as she « had something to communicate to him which she durst not rs confide to any other person, or commit to paper, and yet “ The was upon the point of returning to London.”—The

King's curiosity was strongly excited by these last words ; in vain did he torture his imagination to guess their purport. Secretary Feret being sent by him to fetch me, “ I have just

now received letters,” said he to me, “ from my good « fifter, the Queen of England, whom you admire so great“ ly; they are more full of Aatteries than ever: see if you " will have more success than I have had in discovering her

meaning." I agreed with Henry that it must be something of great coniequence which induced her to express

herself in this manner: it was resolved, therefore, that I • Thould embark the next day for Dover, as if with no other

delign than to take advantage of the shortness of the passage, « to make a tour to London, which would give me an oppor• tunity of seeing what step the Queen would take upon my carrival; neither the King nor I doubting, but that the

would be immediately informed of it. I acquainted no one « with my intended pallage, but such of my domeftics as

were to attend me, and of these I took but a very small (number.-I embarked early in the morning, and reached

Dover about ten o'clock; where, among the crowd of those ( who embarked and disembarked, I was immediately disco' vered by the Lord Sidney, who, five or fix days before, ' had seen me at Calais : with him were Lord Cobham, Raa leigh, and Griffin ; and they were soon after joined by the


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