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protector. Its effect on

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The assumption by Cromwell of the sole authority of Protector * of the commonwealth of England, Cromwell Scotland, and Ireland, with a council of twenty-one, i produced little change in the administration of the Treland. affairs of Ireland, Ludlow opposed the proclamation of the protectorate. It was carried through the interest of Fleetwood only by one voice. Ludlow never would sign the orders for the proclamation, and he quitted


laid waste in the progress of the rebellion. They were ordered to retire thither by a certiin day, and forbidden toʻrepass the Shannon on pain of death: and this sentence of deportation was rigidly enforced until the restoration. Their ancient possessions were seized.and given apto the conquerors, as were the possessions of every man, who had taken a part in the rebellion, or followed the fortune of the King after the murder of Charles I. This whole fund was distributed amongst the officers and soldiers of Cromwell's army, in satisfaction of the arrears of their pay, and amongst the adventurers, who had advanced money to defray the expenses of the war. And thus a new colony of new settlers, composed of all the various sects which then infested England, independents, anabaptists, seceders, browpists, socinians, millenarians, and dissenters of every description, many of them infected with the leaven of democracy, poured into Ireland, and were put into possession of the ancient inheritance of its inhabitants."

* William Sampson, esq. pub ished at New York, in 1804, some very interesting memoirs and original letters relating to the latter troubles in Ireland, together with a short sketch of the Hise tory of Ireland, in octavo. He has thus compendiously and impartially spoken of Cromwell, p. 319: “ Never was this title of Profector more undeserved, at least in Ireland. His hatred to the Irish was threefold. He hated them from bigotry, because they did not seek the Lord. He hated them because they were loyal to that King, whose head he cut off. And he hated them because they had commodious seats for habitations."

1654. the city, when it was made, at the end of a fortnight's

contest among the commissioners, and resolved to hold i
his own military authority of lieutenant-general of the
horse, which he had received from the parliament, till it,
should be taken from him by force. Ireland was, in,
fact, the fund which the leaders of the regicide party
looked to, as the immediate and most sure source of
remuneration and emolument. According to Claren.
don, Cromwell had reserved to himself a large slice of
the province of Munster, including the whole county
of Tipperary, as a demesne for the state, in which no
adventurer or soldier was to have an assignment
According to a proposal made by Broghill, in coun.
cil, a survey of the whole country was made : the best
land was rated at four shillings, and some only at a
penny, per acre. Upon the surface of the country thus
appraised, the soldiers drew lots for the portions to
be assigned them in lieu of the arrears of their pay.
Enormous abuses were committed by having whole
baronies surveyed in gross, and then employing their
own surveyors to make admeasurements, that were
conclusive. The persons, who had been the most
conspicuously instrumental in the murder of the King,
were most favored in these allotments. It was arbi.
trary in the surveyors to report lands unprofitable,
and such were thrown gratis into the allotment. The
lands distributed amongst the soldiers, which were
returned as unprofitable into the surveyors' office
amounted to 605,670 Irish acres *.

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* The Irish exceeds the English acre by one-fifth, Lord As.


As the native relicks of the Irish people were thus 1657. expatriated in their own island, divided from the pro- Inc tected inhabitants, and secluded from the active and severities

upon the passive powers of seduction or turbulence, it should Irish. seem as if the commissioners of that unfortunate country wanted objects to exercise their ferocity upon. Yet, by procla:nation, they re-published, and required the severest cbservance of the act of Elizabeth, by which every catholic priest was to be hanged, drawn, and quartered: to which they afterwards superadded the rigor of making the private exercise of the catholic religion a capital offence, and the non-discovery of a priest confiscation of property and death. They set the price of five pounds on the head of a priest and a wolf, and the production of the head equally entitled the beheader to the reward *. These extraordinary cruelties could only be practised upon the unfortunate catholics in Connaught. The rest of the inhabitants of Ireland were protestants of some denomination, or new proprietors, neither Irish nor catholict. trim's estace, consisting of 10,761 acres, was allotted to Sir John . Clotworthy, afterwards Lord Massarene, and some few, whose adventures and pay did not in all exceed 7,0001. 2 Ca. Orm. 2797

* Presuming the features of each to be equally distinguishable, this was but illustrating the old maxim of English law, that an, outlaw caput gerit lupinum.

+ Morrison, a protestant author by no means favorable to the catholics, who was an eye-witness of these scenes, says, “ Neither “ the Israelites were more cruelly persecuted by Pharoah, nor tho “ innocent infants by Herod, nor the christians by Nero, or any « other pagan tyrants, than were the Roman catholics of Ireland, “at that fatal juncture, by these savage commissioners.”

tsation of Henry Cromwell.

1658. Henry, the second son of Oliver Cromwell, fortun

ately for this exhausted country, possessed the governAdminis: ment of it nearly four years, partly during the life of

his father, and partly during that of his brother Richard. His humane disposition preserved Ireland from the further severity of the protector's council. His behaviour was attractive, and his conduct so pure, that when he was recalled fro:n his government, in 1659, he could not command money sufficient to defray the expenses of his journey to England. * Broghill and Coote had for several years presided over Muns:er; they hated and vied with each other in their ostensible zeal for the regicide party : each looked through different views to the readiest means of providing for a change in politics, which, from the death of Oliver Cromwell, on the third of September, 1658, grew daily more probable. Both of them contrived to be appointed commissioners of the government under the army, in the year 1660, when the Interregnum ceased, and Charles II. was restored to the crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland,

*Broghill, according to his own biographist and panegyrist, Mor fice, proposed, in the council under Richard Cromwe!l, to purge the army by expelling all, who should refuse to swear to support the esta blishment of Protector and Parliament; and, within a very few months before the restoration of Charles, he wrote to Secretary Thurloe, to refute and disclaim the representations made in England, that he was endeavouring to set up for himself, by making lreland a back-door to let Charles Stuart into England, and thereby at one 'blow to cut up by the roots the precious rights, they had been sa ļong contending for.


The Reign of Charles 11.

The different circumstances, which in different 1660. parts of the British empire, led to the immediate restoration of King Charles II. although nearly simul- Charles II. taneous, were more fortuitous than systematic. It is testosco: evident, that the Irish could have had little concern and less influence in bringing it to bear, than any other part of the King's subjects. The whole Irish nation, properly so called, was at this time confined in Connaught and Clare, secluded from the interests of the other parts of the British dominions, and debarred by sanguinary and rigorously executed laws from any communication with their fellow-subjects. The popuļation, which occupied the three other provinces of Ireland, must have constituted so motley, discordant, and interested a group, as is scarcely to be described. Ingenuity cannot devise a character, from the highest to the lowest, which could set up any other pretension than that of having opposed the regal authority, of having assumed the native property by invasion, intrusion, or adventure, or of having acquired an inde. finite right to a distributive share of the kingdom from military service under the parliament, commonwealth, regicides, and protectorate. It is morally impossible, that even a remote tincture of patriotism,

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