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By FREDERICK GENTZ, Counsellor at War to his Prussian Majesty, &c. &c. Translated from the German by JOHN CHARLES HERRIES, 80. Boards. THE HE introduction by the Translator occupies 121 pages, and begins with a description of the work to which this volume contains an answer, which was written by Citizen Hauterive; Mr. G. says, "The work itself betrayed its origin throughout. It was every where marked by the most inveterate enmity to this country; and was evidently written with a view to convert the nations of the continent to the same sentiment. It announced and explained a variety of plans, for the gratification of the envy and hatred which it intended to excite; and it ought rather to have been called, A Dissertation on the Necessity and the Means of ruining England, than an Examination of the State of France." p. i, ii. and progress of a confederacy, called the Armed Neutrality; and gives a history of the events which have revived the subject from-the year 1752, when the Prussian minister presented a memorial to the court of Britain, on account of some Prussian vessels having been taken and condemned as lawful prizes, for covering the ships and goods of the enemy then at war with Great Britain, till the convention between his Britannic Majesty and the Emperor of Russia in 1801.. This is intended to refute an observation in Hauterive's book, contained in the following passage. 6 "I have mentioned the maritime preponderance of England; the con'sciousness of her superiority has given rise to pretensions which the relative weakness of other powers has permitted her to enforce as rights; whence two distinct maritime codes, the one acknowledged by all Europe, the other insisted on by England alone.' "Toimpute consummate ignorance to the writer of such a passage, would be to carry lenity too far. He was writing for the French government, and of course possessed better information. Though it be easy to guess the object, it is very difficult to conceive the assurance necessary for asserting that the maritime law insisted on by England, is one that she has set up in consequence of her naval superio And again, "L'Etat de la France, is one continued attack, direct or indirect, upon the rights and interests, the credit and conduct, of Great Britain. No argument, no semblance of an argument, has been left untried to criminate her politics, and to detract from her character." It is need-rity." p. x, xi. less to anticipate Mr. Gentz's observations on this general scope of Hauterive's work; he has condescended to analyze some of the charges against a nation, to which he is himself a stranger; and nothing more is necessary to confute them." p. v, vi. It then proceeds to review the rise VOL. I. In the course of this history, the translator plainly evinces that cabinets are influenced by selfish principles, while they profess to act for the general good. Circumstances will cause them to express different principles, and to adopt a different practice to that for which they had for4 M merly contended, this is instanced in the conduct of the court of Sweden. "How far the parties to this league were actuated by that sense of justice held forth in all their public declarations on the subject, may be easily. seen from the conduct of one of then in the very first instance of its becoming a belligerent power, and, of course, entitled to exercise the right which it had opposed when England was in that situation. This happened in 1790, when a war broke out between Sweden and Russia. We have seen that the former of these powers was particularly active in the project for abolishing the practice of searching neutral traders, and confiscating the property of an enemy found on board. But that was at a time when Sweden was a neutral, and England a belligerent power. The case was now reversed; England was at peace, and Sweden was engaged in war. And behold, the full value of the right which had lately been contested, its justice and validity, were now acknowledged and maintained by Sweden. English vessels navigating the Baltic, and bound to the ports of Russia, were detained and visited by the Swedish cruisers, whose govern ́ment even increased the list of contraband, so lately and so loudly complained of, by the addition of some articles (money and provisions, for example) till then not included in it." p. xxvi, xxvii, A few other topics are then added, and Mr. Gentz's work is thus described. "Mr. Gentz has divided the following work into three parts: the two first will be found interesting to the general politician; the last is particularly so to the English reader. The first part treats of the state of Eu rope before the French Revolution; the second describes the effects of that event, and the condition in which the continent has been left by the war to which it gave rise; and the third is a dissertation on the present relations of France to her friends and enemies. The fourth chapter of this last division is an inquiry into the complaints which have been so gene-. rally and so loudly urged on the continent against what has been strangely called, the "commercial tyranny of the English." Mr. Gentz has here displayed the falsehood of the opinions concerning the nature and ori. gin of our commercial superiority, which have been industriously circulated by our rivals, and too easily adopted by ignorance or envy among the nations whom it was intended to excite against us. It will not be denied, that a refutation of such opinions is highly important to our interests; and it is obvious that the arguments on our side must in this case acquire considerable weight from the country and character of the person who has undertaken the cause of truth and justice. It must be remembered that it is a Prussian writer, entirely unconnected with England, and unbiassed by national prejudice, or views of party, who vindicates the character of Great Britain, and exposes the folly of regarding her wealth and power as detrimental to the prosperity, and incompatible with the security of the rest of Europe." p. xcii, xciii. To the introduction the following articles are added. Copies of the articles agreed upon by the respective courts interested in the convention between his Britannic Majesty and Emperor of Russia. And the following tables are also subjoined: General Total of the Population of England and Wales, returned to Parliament in pursuance of an Act 41 Geo, III. 1,467,870 1,778,420 53,965 3,987,935 4,343,499 8,331,434 108,053 118,303) 3,511 257,178 284,368 469,188 1,410 541,546 469,188 1,410 |1,575,923/1,896,723 57,476 4,715,7114,627,8679,343,578 Extracts from the Marriage Registers of England and Wales, from 1785, "There would be much to observe on this account, unparalleled in the history of nations, if we were speaking of the resources of Great Britain in general. But our object was only to shew that Hauterive has mistaken the nature of those resources, since he has supposed that at the peace there would be an end of them; that he is ignorant of the foundation of Public Credit in this country, since he has attributed it entirely to the effect of terror and alarm; and that his hopes have been too sanguine, if he has expected to see the strength of Great Britain diminished by a peace with France." p. cxx, cxxi, |