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But as their motives are different, so the means and views of these two kinds of patriots, for patriots they, indeed, call and, perhaps, think themselves, are distinct.

On the effects and ends arising from and sought by the zeal of the lower order of political bigots, it were useless to descant. It is the

creed, as well as the design, so far as it can be learned from the conduct of those, who belong to the first rank of political bigots, which presents a subject, worthy, in both its parts, of a discussion, far more elaborate and minute, than the limits of an essay admit.

But, before I proceed to the remarks about to be offered on these topicks, it may not be improper to observe, that such and so versatile in its nature and accidents is this species of bigotry, that its subjects, whenever their circumstances appear to require and sanction such transformations, can easily assume the shapes, and exhibit and support in their full and perfect proportions and relations, the characters not only of the two extremes, but also of all the intermediate vices and follies, from the simpering apologist for the foulest debauchery, to the foaming fanatick, who, to shew his sincerity, bawls himself hoarse against the in dulgence of those pleasures, which, so far from criminal, are, beside their innocence, eminently productive of health and cheerfulness.

It is when it appears in the guise, and conforms its conduct to the maxims of fanaticism, that bigotry of this sort discovers and exerts its most rancorous malignity. At that deplorable crisis, when the majority of its citizens are political bigots, acting from the brute impulse of political fanaticism, then it is that the safety, the prosperity, the liberVol. V. No. XII.

4 F

ty, the honour of a country, each and all of them are endangered almost to inevitable destruction, by attempts to impose in wanton experiment, on a whole people, the miserable whimsies (they do not deserve the name, nor do I call them theories) of such statesmen as are much fitter to make mouse-traps and toast cheese to bait the same therewith, than to direct the pursuits and control the destinies of a nation. It is then that the distinctions, which beautify and preserve society, are, because they designate genius, learning, honour, virtue, piety, long-tried fidelity, and well-attested valour, exploded as so many palpable violations of the rights of man. And then too it is, that, no longer disguising their wishes, or concealing their nefarious projects in a stiffling secrecy, the authors and advocates of civil discord come boldly forward,and, addressing the idle,the worthless,and abandoned, of every rank and species, exasperate the worst and fiercest of their animosities; till, having heated the malice of the rabble to a degree of madness that disdains restraint, these engineers of ruin direct the popular fury against the strength and pride, against that native honour and inalienable magnanimity, which characterise the higher orders of a community, and constitute its defence and ornament.

Political bigotry, in high ferment, and when exalted to the full and bubbling effervescence of political fanaticism, is of all the perverse affections incident to human nature the most formidable and mischiev ous. It operates like witchcraft: it enchants, it besots and embrutes with a sorcery more certain, more fatal and resistless, than the cup of Comus "with many murmurs mixed," or all the wiles und charms,

the potent herbs and magick songs of Circe and the Syrens. To effect and secure its usurpation and stern, relentless despotism, reason is dethroned; and, stripped of their authority, their awful honour, and sacred, inviolable majesty, virtue and piety are left naked and exposed to the mercy of the most remorseless of all democracies, the democracy of lawless passions and implacable prejudices. When its favourite, might I not say, its exclusive object, the elevation of the unworthy to trust and power, presents itself, the longings of this rabid affection, seem indignant of control. The whole man is inflamed to frenzy; the tumultuous emotions of his bosom display themselves by every action, and appear and threaten in all his limbs and motions,

Tremit artus,

Conlectumque premens volvit sub na

ribus ignein.

In their versatility, the resemblance between political and religious bigots, is strong enough to convince the most obstinate doubter, that the cause, which produces the former, has an efficiency, not indeed exclusive of, but directly concurrent with the cause usually considered as producing the latter. For where, (the question is general, and none, I hope, will accuse or even suspect me of any personal allusion in asking,) where is the religious bigot, who, if his envy, his jealousy, his revenge, or any other of the detestable motives, that naturally actuate persons of this description, should prompt to such a strange variety and rapid succession of metamorphoses, would scruple or hesitate for a moment to shuffle off his gravity, and, as his situation should permit, to appear by turns in every shape and station of cunning and

hypocrisy, till, having at last sunk to the character, he should become willing to take the name, and stand ready to discharge the office of a spiritual pimp.

Of the sentiments openly and with a shameless and unblushing ef. frontery avowed by political bigots, it is not possible to speak, and if it were possible, it would betray something more than a tacit acquiescence in their truth, to speak of such sentiments, without a degree of indignation, that almost suffocates. They are sentiments such as cannot, such as never did and nevever will find their way into any honest mind.

One of the articles, (they perhaps would speak and boast of it, as the principal and discriminative ar ticle) of their creed is, that every man, whose opinions happen to differ, though the shades of difference might elude the severest scrutiny, from the formulary adopted and im posed by these champions of orthodoxy, is a political heretick, and as such, not only deserves their censure, but requires and justifies such inquiry and punishment, as they are pleased to institute and inflict.

But the lenity of these inquisitors is not without her twin and sister virtue. For such and so liberal is their charity, that every one

Brontesque, Steropesque, et nudus membra Pyracmon.

who has blown at their bellows, and toiled, and sweated, and panted almost to suffocation and instant death over the foul smoke and fierce heat of their infernal fires, and wielded, till his strength failed, and he could no longer wield their hammers and sledges, in order, on their anvil, to forge his opinions inte something, which they call consistency; opinions, which, by the way,

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The Remarker finds it impossible, at present, to pursue the subject. His last metaphor-and this apology, which he is constrained to offer, will, he hopes, protect him from the suspicion of idleness-his last metaphor, he is sorry to say, has left him almost breathless. If, however, he should recover from his present exhaustion, the Remarker will, in some future paper, resume the subject, and endeavour, from their actions, to ascertain the objects of those, who rank in the higher class of po litical bigots.

MEMOIRS OF PAULUS MANUTIUS,

THE SON OF ALDUS.

THE labours of the Aldine press, were not materially affected by the death of its founder. Andreas Asulanus, who had undertaken the care of the four young children of Aldus, continued the business, which he conducted with great alacrity, assisted by his two sons Francis and Frederick. Filled with an ardent and laudable emulation, they paid the greatest attention to their editions; they first undertook to complete those which were already begun, and to produce the great number of revisals and collections which Aldus had left; they were also careful to notice in their prefaces those editions to which he had contributed by anticipative labours. Although inferiour in knowledge to Aldus and to his son Paulus Manutius, most of their editions, prove them to have been deficient neither in learning nor industry. In Greek, Pausanias, Strabo, the Greek Septuagint, different commentaries on Aristotle, Plutarch, Artemidorus.

Apollonius Rhodius, Eschylus, Xenophon, Galen, Hippocrates, published for the first time; in Latin, Terence, Livy, Plautus, Pliny, Celsus, Macrobius, Priscian, Silius Italicus, Valerius Flaccus, Claudian, Justin, Quintus Curtius, Suetonius, Ausonius, and many other works in Greek, Latin, and Italian, most of which were printed for the first time, employed their presses.

During the management of An dreas Asulanus, the sons of Aldus ̈ passed their childhood, and made some progress in their education. The time which they spent at Asola with their mother, was not favoura ble to their advancement in literature; what they then learnt would have been rather injurious than useful, by vitiating their taste, had they not been early removed to Venice, where Paulus Manutius in particular, was kindly received and assisted by those who had been the sincere friends of his father, and who were celebrated in every branch of litera

ture in that city, which was then the seat of learning and the arts. The ardour with which he applied to the study of eloquence, greatly injured his already feeble constitution, the effect of which was rendered doubly distressing, by his physicians prohibiting him the use of books. At length, after two years, his health was greatly restored, and he resumed his studies.

Scarcely recovered from his illness, he experienced difficulties of another nature, not less afflicting, which he calls " domesticas controversias," Ep. Saulio 1, 3. He explains himself no further, but from the inactivity of the press during the years which succeeded the death of Andreas Asulanus, which happened in 1529, it appears that there was some disagreement in their family, occasioned by the discussions relative to a division of the property of Aldus and of Andreas, whose interest in the printing-office had hitherto been united. It is also very probable that the two uncles, Francis and Frederick, accustomed for fourteen years to rule as masters in the office, and to style it in their prefaces" nostra officina," considering themselves the exclusive proprietors of it, regarded with a jealous eye the young heirs of Aldus, who, considering their natural right to the office which was founded by their father, was resolved not to withdraw their just claims. From this difference of opinion resulted many disputes, which continued till 1533, when Paulus Manutius, then only twenty-one years of age, reopened the office, which had been shut, since the year 1529, and from that period showed a superiority which announced his future greatness. He conducted the office in the name and for the advantage of the united heirs of Aidus and of

Andreas, "In aedibus haeredum Aldi et Andreae Asulani soceri,” but this union of interests did not long continue. The quarrels of the two families subsided only for a short time; they were renewed in 1537, and the Aldine press was again unemployed during this and the two following years. At length in 1540 the partnership was dissolved, and the business resumed in the name of the sons of Aldus, " Aldi filii.”

Paulus Manutius, who was now become the principal of the house, diligently endeavoured to follow the glorious steps of his father, and from this period, all his time was em ployed in literary or typographical labours. The publication of unedited Greek books was nearly ex. hausted, he therefore occupied himself with Latin literature, and his numerous reprints always contained either some amelioration in the text, or some additional notes, remarks, and indexes, the great utility of which he had experienced. An enthusiastick admirer of the works of Cicero, he earnestly applied himself to form his style on that of this excellent writer; and his letters, and Latin prefaces, are entitled to the first rank amongst those written in that language since the revival of letters. The first book, which he printed, was one written by this father of eloquence, who engaged all his thoughts, his thoughts," Ciceronis libri Oratorii, 1533, 4to."

From the example of his father, Paulus Manutius strove to obtain the assistance of eminently learned

men.

G. B. Egnatio, G. P. Valeriano, Lazzaro Bonamico, Ben. Lampridio, and other persons equally skilful, renewed in his house the good times of Aldus; and from the first establishment of Paulus Manutius, the Aldine editions regained that superiority, which Aldus had

given them, whilst the advice and frequent intercourse of so many learned men, formed his taste, proved a continual source of instruction, and laid the foundation of his success, both as an editor and a printer.

In the year 1533, and the following, he published a great number of Latin and Italian editions, all of which are acknowledged to be excellent. His first Greek edition was that of Themistius, which was soon succeeded by Isocrates and Aetius Amidenus; these are all well executed, and prove his perfect knowledge of that language.

In the following year, 1535, he was called to Rome, where he formed a friendship with Marcello Cervino, who was afterwards pope, under the title of Marcellus II., and with Bern. Maffei. His friendship with Annib. Caro may also be considered as commencing at this period. On returning to his own country, he resumed the employ. ment of an editor, and pursued his literary labours with such assiduity, that in 1556, he informs G. Salva, by a letter, that, during twenty years, he had not suffered a day to pass without having written something in Latin.

Though almost entirely occupied with literature, his office, and his domestick concerns, he was very far from being opulent; he therefore undertook the education of twelve young noblemen, whose names are unknown; but it is probable, that in the number were included Math. Senarega, the translator of the letters to Atticus, who is mentioned in his preface to Ep. Famil. as having been received into his house, insructed in literature, and in the study of eloquence; also Paul Contariai, to whom he writes, "Mecum in iisdem ædibus per triennium fere vixisti; qui quicquid es, de meorum

consiliorum praeceptorumque forte fluxisti; cujus a laude mea laus quodammodo pendet." The probable reason of his styling this society of young men an academy, was in imitation of that which his father had founded, and from the desire of renewing that assembly of learned men, who so zealously assisted Aldus in his different Greek and Latin editions.

He

At the end of three years, in 1538, having resigned the cares of tuition, and perhaps wearied by the cavils of his uncles, Paulus Manutius again quitted Venice, and passed some time in searching ancient libraries, with the intention of collecting materials, and procuring assistance for his future editions. passed several months in the library of the Franciscans at Cesena, and engaged in comparing the excellent manuscripts, which had been left to that convent by Malatesta Novello. About this time, two professorships of eloquence were offered him; that of Venice, filled by his friend J. G. Egnatio, whose age prevented his longer fulfilment of its duties; and that of Padua, vacant by the death of Bonamico; but his ill state of health, and above all his great attachment to the profession which had so eminently distinguished his father, determined him to refuse these offers, by accepting which he might so easily have rendered himself famous, and induced him to prefer the laborious employment which had hitherto engaged his attention.

The editions continued rapidly to succeed each other; Virgil, Petrarch, the best modern authors, and above all Cicero, were the objects of his uninterrupted labours. In 1546, he married Margherita Odoni, the daughter of Girolamo, and the sister of Carlo and Rinaldo,

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