The work, as has been noticed in a foregoing extract, is divided into three parts, which Mr. Gentz commences by stating the propositions actually laid down in, or plainly deducible from, the work; he answers and briefly describes his plan, which is to divide his book into "four principal parts the first of which will be an Inquiry into the State of Europe, before the War of the Revolution; the second will treat of the Situation of Europe during and after that War; the third will consider the present Relations between France and the other European Powers; and the fourth will examine the internal Constitution of the French Republic: taking them all, however, In those points of view in which the author has considered them." p. 4, 5. Part II. Of the political situation of Europe, before and at the breaking out of the French Revolution. Chap. I. contains the inquiry, how far did the treaty of Westphalia establish a system of public law in Europe? This chapter describes the nations particularly interested in the treaty, and the impossibility of framing a permanent federative constitution. "The fate of empires is no less subject to vicissitude than that of individuals: owing to the inequality of their respective progress, to the unexpected growth of new branches of industry and power, to the personal and family connexions, and still more, to the opinions, the characters, and the passions of their rulers, there must necessarily happen many changes which no human wisdom can foresee, much less provide against. Each of these changes occasions new wants, new plans, and new pretensions; endangers or destroys the former equilibrium; presents fresh difficulties to the statesman, and renders it necessary to revise the systém, and define the respective rights anew. Impossible as it is for the code of laws of any nation to provide for every possible future variation in the character and manners, the civil, moral, and domestic condition of its inha bitants; even so impossible is it to establish an eternal system of public Jaw, by means of any general treaty, however numerous the objects which it may embrace, with whatever care and ability it may have been combined." p. 9. Chap II. How far has the treaty of Westphalia been subverted by subsequent events? In this chapter the author shews that the circumstances which Hauterive asserts to have infringed on the treaty, have not had such a tendency. And on the subject of the elevation of Prussia, the protestant interest, as connected with the treaty, is observed, and the author remarks, "The differences of religion have lost the importance which was formerly attached to them the deep shades they cast upon the face of society, a century ago, are now softened down. Opinions and articles of faith, which in former times have armed one half of Europe against the other, are now looked upon with coldness and indifference: the slightest political connexion binds men and states more firmly now than all the professions of religion in the world; and without entering here into any comparison of the merits of what now interests us, and of the objects that formerly used to agitate mankind, and occasion the most important events; it is a truth established by history, that the manners, interests, politics, factions, and enthusiasm, the wisdom and folly of the present, are not those of former times." p. 29, 30. In supporting his argument, that the elevation of Prussia has been productive of a beneficial and not of a pernicious tendency, it is observed, "But if we take a more comprehensive view of this subject, we shall find ourselves much inclined to acquit even Louis XIV. of the greater part of those reproaches which the short-sightedness of the present age has so abundantly heaped upon him. It was not Louis XIV, but the natural course of things, that produced those great armies-that enlarged system of administration - those extensive political plans. They were necessary consequences of the progress of civil society. In proportion to the ad. vancement of civilization, of industry and riches among nations, the measure of their wants, their desires, their expences, their domestic and public existence, is increased; the sphere of their activity, their propensity to extend their limits, the ambition and the power of their governments, are enlarged. A rich individual has more servants, more houses, more horses, more plans, and more caprices than a poor one a rich and cultivated people have more public institutions, more ministers of state, more soldiers, more luxury, and a greater spirit of enterprise, than one which is poor and uncivilized. This is all in the natural order of things. There may, no doubt, exist in the most opulent nation, a dangerous disproportion between the means and the will; between the strength and the desires of such a people; and, especially, the military force, that great instrument of influence and dominion, may be out of all proportion to its foundation -the population and revenues of the country. But, whatever particular instances may be adduced of the transgression of these rules of proportion, and of the errors of some governments; there was, on the whole, no such disproportion to be seen in general at the commencement of the revolution. The military force had advanced in a degree, and to a state, coinciding with the progress of society. The sudden aggrandizement, the influence, and the example of the kingdom of Prussia, did not push them beyond their just and natural limits. In all human probability, the armies of the remaining nations would have been no smaller, their systems of finance no less complicated, the relations between their efforts and their strength no other than they actually were, had this new meteor never risen in the political firmament of Europe." p. 34-36. In discussing the commercial and colonial system, the author writes: "2d. The extension of the commercial and colonial system was not the immediate effect of the avarice or ambition of any particular European state; it was a general, necessary, and unavoidable result of the expansion of the human mind; and every event derived from that source, must be, in some way, compatible with the objects of social existence, and of course with the maintenance and security of a federal constitution and law of nations. "I am here engaged in the discussion of a particular object, and not writing a general history of human nature. But whoever has thoroughly investigated this subject, will readily allow me, that, in a state of society, the different branches of human activity are gradually and successively developed, each at its proper period; that when agriculture and manufactures have arrived at a certain degree of perfection, the desire of foreign commerce is naturally awakened; that although the object of this propensity may be retarded or accelerated by adverse or favourable circumstances, the persevering activity of mankind will sooner or later accomplish it; that it will at length gain access to distant and unexplored regions, and succeed in its unre mitting endeavours to connect all the parts of the earth; that the produce of remote countries becomes a new spur to industry; and industry, so excited, explores and cultivates those lands; so that the productions of new regions operate to increase the activity and to multiply the commercial relations of the old; that this gives new life even to the interior of the more civilized countries, and multiplies the objects of traffic; that industry produces riches, and riches reproduce industry; and thus commerce at length becomes the foundation and the cement of the whole social edifice. "This is not determined by the presumption or caprice of man; it is founded on the eternal order of human nature, and is the effect of that irresistible impulse, by which every great and beneficial change, every truly universal and important event in the history of mankind, is produced. To this principle we must refer, not only the origin, but the progress and extension of commerce. Hence too the important discovery of America; for we may confidently assert, that it could not ultimately have escaped mankind, had it not been accomplished so early by the adventurous spirit of a few extraordinary and enterprising men. Hence the system of commerce and colonization, with all its actual and possible ramifications and extent. Hence the independence of remote climates, not created nor cultivated for us only, and the new sources of opulence to which Europe is invited by their freedom and independence. Hence too humanity will hereafter derive many invaluable blessings, will behold many a splendid æra, if the free display of this active principle be not checked by blind authority, and if human ingenuity do not aspire to be wiser than Diving Providence." p. 41-44.. The third chapter investigates the following question : Did there exist at the beginning of the French Revolution any public law in Europe? This chapter commences with a view of the internal condition of the nations of Europe before the Revolution. The subject is first treated in a general way, after which the author particularizes the situation of each nation. Russia, Austria, Prussia are each noticed, and the author then proceeds to the following observations upon England: "The slightest glance at the affairs of the British empire, is sufficient to banish every idea of decay and disorganization. The condition of that Kingdom after the American war, was the first complete demonstration of the true principles of the wealth of nations, which had remained so long unknown. The loss of her colonies was the first æra of the lasting and independent greatness of Britain. It was after the year 1783 that she became conscious of her real strength, and clearly understood the true grounds upon which it rested. Until then she had more or less partaken of the errors and misconduct of the rest of Europe, derived from an imperfect knowledge of the system of commerce. She now took the lead of all, in a new career, and upon better principles. The French Revolution, which interrupted the progress of all Europe, undoubtedly confined and retarded the completion of the masterly system of administration adopted in England. It is a phenomenon sufficiently extraordinary, which can only be explained by the history of its government during the preceding ten years, that Great Britain should have been able to maintain itself entire and unshaken in the dreadful war excited by that Revolution. What it might have attained to in a continuance of peace, must be a matter of mere hypothesis; but this hypothesis will receive a place among the clearest political truths from those who have been accustomed to study the true sources of the prosperity and strength of nations." p. 79, 8o. The rest of the European nations follow, and this subject concludes with remarks upon the state of France toward the close of the monarchy: the author then proceeds to state the political relations of these countries. In discussing the political relations of Prussia, the author introduces the following remarks on the division of Poland. "I have already, in the preceding part of this work, expressed my opinion concerning the justice and propriety of that measure. This I once more repeat; and will here distinctly declare my sentiments of that and every similar political proceeding: these are, that the principles of the federal constitution ought to be as sacred in the general system of nations, as the laws in the interior of every state; that no political consideration, whatever its importance, or general utility, can excuse an action manifestly unjust; that justice ought to be the first and prevailing principle in all views of policy, in every possible conjuncture; that the violation of that principle, although it may occassionally and partially, or in its remote or accidental effects, be productive of good, is nevertheless always ruinous in the end; and that no situation, no wants, no declared or secret motives, no future hope, no pretext of private or general interests, can justify such a violation. "This declaration will, I hope, sufficiently exempt me from the impu tation of becoming the defender of proceedings, which, by disguising usurpation in the cloak of justice, by trampling under foot the most sacred principles, and by undermining the credit of all governments in the minds of all people, have brought so many misfortunes upon Europe. But while I thus condemn the principle of the Polish partition, I may be permitted to differ widely from those opinions of its consequences, that prevail among the political writers of the present day, especially with regard to its influence on the balance of power. After attentively considering the subject, I am persuaded the partition of Poland was very far from being prejudicial to that balance; which, in a certain point of view, it even contributed to preserve; and that it has rather been favourable, than adverse, to the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in Europe." p. 131, 132. A vast deal of political, and, as it relates to England and her wars with France, historical information is contained in this chapter, which con cludes with general observations. Part II. Of the situation of Europe after the French Revolution. In this part the author examines the principles upon which the coalition against France was formed, and vindicates it. Part III. Of the present relations between France and the other European states. Chap. I. contains general observations, which, at considerable length, shew the great preponderance of France in the balance of power in Europe, by her acquisition of territory and strength. Chap. II. Of the relations between France and her allies. This chapter concludes thus: "Ere we discuss the political conduct of France towards her allies, we must at least wait till she has allies. Those who are now honoured with that appellation, are, at best, only her clients. It will be time to speak of the alliances of France, in the true sense of the word, when she shall be connected upon free and equal terms, with one of the greater powers of Europe; one of those which have hitherto maintained their independence. But in the present state of things, may the guardian angel of Europe avert such an event! An alliance of France, preponderant as she now is, with any of the principal powers, would lead to incalculable mischief, would probably be the signal for endless misfortunes." p. 275. Chap. III. Of France and her enemies. Chap. IV. An enquiry into the principal causes of complaint against the commercial tyranny of the English. First, the navigation act: second, the monopoly of Trans-European dominions: third, the monopoly of British manufactures. These enquiries are thus closed, and with them the work closes. "I conceive that the foregoing observations have nearly fulfilled the object I had in view. My design was to rectify the prevailing opinion, with respect to the dangers and evils arising from the commercial superiority of England. I flatter myself I have sufficiently proved, that neither the maritime statutes of Great Britain (I speak of her domestic regulations), nor what is called the British monopoly of colonial produce, nor the indisputable superíority of her manu factures, afford any real or just cause of accusation or complaint. In my enquiry into these complaints, I have uniformly adhered to those princi ples, which every enlightened mind now reverences with unqualified assent; which alone can lead to the perfection of political economy; and from which Europe has to expect the most important improvements in every branch of general welfare. Oh these indisputable principles, it is evident that what the ignorant multitude, instigated by sophistical declaimers, decry as the commercial tyranny of the English, is in reality a most essential part of the wealth, an active principle of the industry, and a fruitful source of the present and future riches of all nations; that the only method of diminishing the superiority of British industry, which can be recommended or admitted, is the promotion and encouragement of the same activity in other countries, which would benefit the whole without injuring England; and that every project for actually destroying the foundations of Britain's power and commercial greatness, by direct and violent attempts upon it, must ultimately prove its author an enemy to the general welfare of Europe. "There is, therefore, nothing in England's commercial system, and in the influence of that system upon the welfare of other nations, which can support or justify the heavy charges brought against her. In her peaceful relations, we see her in constant and perfect harmony with the domestic interests of the social system of Europe. If she have in any way deserved the reproaches of her numerous adversaries, the causes must be sought in other relations; they must be founded on her conduct in war, towards countries not immediately engaged in it; and on the abuse of her well-armed superiority in her oppression of the weak. How far they really are so, will be discussed in a sequel to the present work." p. 356-358. This work contains much information highly interesting to the politi cian, and entertaining to the general readers.-A few notes are added at the end. CLVI. THE EVIDENCE for the Authenticity and Divine Inspiration of the Apocalypse stated and vindicated from the Objections of the late Professor, F. D. MICHAELIS, in Letters addressed to the Rev. HERBERT MARSH, B. D. F. R. S. Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, 8vo. stitched. TE HIS work consists of ten letters, in the first of which the author assigns his reasons for writing them, and particularly for his addressing them to Mr. Marsh. These reasons may be discovered in the following extracts:"If your annotations had been extended to that part of your author's work which treats of the Apocalyse, the observations, which I now lay before you, would have been rendered unnecessary; for I persuade myself, that if your learned labours had accompanied your author, in his chapter on the Apocalypse, many of the opinions, which he has there advanced, would have received considerable correction." p. 2. "It is my object to engage an author of your ability in a work of this kind, and at the same time to suggest to his consideration observations which have occurred to me; some of which, I trust, may be made subservient to correct those notions which have a tendency to exclude from the canon of Sacred Scripture one of its most important and well attested books." p. 3. The second letter contains the method pursued in this enquiry, which is thus expressed: "In the following letters, I propose to review the evidence which has been adduced for the authenticity and divine inspiration of the Apocalypse; to add thereto some few collections of my own, and occasionally to make remarks on those observations of Michaelis which tend to invalidate it. "This evidence divides itself into external and internal. The external is that which is derived from credible witnesses, from the early writers, and fathers of the Church. The internal is that which results from a perusal of the book. "Michaelis appears to be an unfair reporter of the external evidence for the Apocalypse. He seems to have approached it with a prejudice against it, a prejudice occasioned by the opi nion which he had previously formed of its internal evidence. For it appears from passages in the first, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth sections of his chapter on the Apocalypse, that he considered the prophe. cies of this book as still remaining dark and unexplained. He professes that he does not understand them; he declares himself dissatisfied with the attempts of other writers to shew their meaning and completion; and he esteems the contradiction of these interpreters to be more unfavourable to the pretensions of the Apocalypse, than even those ancient testimonies, that external evidence, to which he attributes no preponderance in its favour. Now, as they who appear to themselves to have discovered, in the completion of the Apocalyptic prophecies certain proofs of its divine origin (for a series of prophecy, punctually fulfilled, must be divine) will be disposed to examine the external evidence with a prepossession in its favour; so he who, by examin ing the internal evidence, has formed an opinion unfavourable to its pretensions, will enter upon the study of its external evidence with that kind of prejudice which I think visible in the writings of this able and learned man. By this observation, I do not mean to detract from the good faith and candour of Michaelis, which I find frequently, and indeed generally displayed even in this part of his work. But a prepossession of this kind is apt to lead a man unwarily into partial views. I have myself experienced both these prejudices with respect to the Apocalypse, and I know the involuntary influence of each. There was a time when I considered the prophecies of the Apocalypse as dark and inexplicable, and its claim to divine authority as rendered very suspicious, by the discordant and unsatisfactory explanations of them. So that, applying myself to the examination of the external evidence of the book, I felt myself inclined to object to it, and to diminish its influence. But, in the progress of my studies, I experienced a contrary bias. A more diligent examination of the prophecies of the Apocalypse, and an application of them to ecclesiastical history, occa sioned me to form another conclusion respecting its internal evidence. I began to see that the objection to the |