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North Carolina Mutual has long been engaged in the war against poverty and want, ignorance, poor housing, despair, and the causes of unemployment and crime; and in trying to convert hopelessness into hopefulness.

Dr. Robert C. Weaver, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, in his address at the dedication of the Company's new home office building, had this to say :

“A quarter of a century ago, it was the North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company which was unique among Negro businesses in recognizing the importance and significance of FHA insured and VA Guaranteed Mortgages. In the mid-forties, 75% of such underwritten mortgages held by Negro-controlled enterprises were in the portfolio of this insurance company . . . there have been scores of instances when no other source of mortgage money was available to a Negro family. . . .”

[For Understanding and Cooperation]

During the period of the race riots following World War I, the then General Manager, C. C. Spaulding, wrote the personnel throughout the Company's territory, in part, as follows:

“The delicate issues of our economic and civic life . . . require all the caution, steadfastness, and Christian uprightness which the leaders of both races can summon for their settlement. This is the time for Negroes to talk to our white friends and not about them. We must make our position clear to the friends of the race, and with them, guide our country through this perilous time.”

It was also pointed out that “cooperation and mutual friendliness of the races is the great hope for the development of the South” and that since “cooperation is a two-way street, the Negro should not be expected to do all the co-ing while the white man does all the operating.”

[The Maturing Negro]

In addressing 250 agents and other representatives of the Company on June 20, 1919, at White Rock Baptist Church in Durham, Mr. Spaulding said:

“The Negro's future in America depends more on what he does for himself than on what others may do for him. I am proud that the Negro is no longer regarded as a baby, but as a full grown man and must therefore take the place of a man. The Negro is proud of his race and is not trying to get away from it.”

[Faithful to Its Mission and Heritage]

North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company would be unfaithful to the Mission of life insurance, to the purposes for which it was organized, and to its heritage, were it not to support the Negro, and/or any other deprived people, in all legitimate struggles for the “more abundant life.” The Company has no other intention than to measure up to its responsibilities as a good citizen in support of all appropriate efforts to have America live up to the ideals and principles upon which the Nation was founded—first class citizenship, and equality of opportunity and treatment for all its citizens. It cannot condone the wanton destruction of human life and property, however, and therefore opposes riots and rioting. To do otherwise would be to engage in a war against its own aims and purposes which are “not to injure nor to pain, but to heal the very causes of sorrow, and to help make a better world for all.”

These are sentiments of the company that I represent. With your permission I would like to present a copy of this to you, Mr. McNamara, for the record. (Document marked “Spaulding Exhibit No. 1" and retained in committee files.) Mr. TUCR. We have a roll call in the House of Representatives. It will be necessary for us to recess. I would suggest that we recess until 2:30. Mr. SPAULDING. Mr. Chairman, with your permission could I read these two last paragraphs which will cover the statement : And then,

if possible, I should leave here by 3:15 to catch my plane back to Durham, if possible.

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, so far as I am concerned, I want to commend Mr. Spaulding. He has a wonderful operation in North Carolina. I appreciate the calm and considerate and intelligent manner in which he has approached this problem. In view of his travel plans, I certainly would have no questions.

Mr. Tuck. I would suggest you complete the statement then.
Mr. SPAULDING. I want to cover the question on Communists.

I am not an authority on Communists by training, experience, or association; but from my limited readings and observations, I am of the opinion that Communists never miss an opportunity to capitalize on dissatisfaction, strife, and turmoil no matter what the cause. It is also my feeling that their alliances are more or less “marriages of convenience," subject to being dissolved when it will serve their interest to do so.

I, therefore, doubt that Communists “sincerely have the interests of the Negro at heart," or that they will work with the Negro in his efforts to achieve full equality in this country beyond the point where it means more to the Negro than it does to the Communists and their cause.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee.

Mr. Tuck. We thank you very much. We appreciate your taking the time to come here and give the committee the benefit of your views.

Mr. SPAULDING. Thank you. I am very happy to have had the privilege of appearing.



Inasmuch as Mr. Young was unable to appear on this date, he submitted the following statement which the chairman authorized to be inserted at this point in the record.

(The statement follows:)



The chairman of the Committee on Un-American Activities of the U.S. House of Representatives has requested that the National Urban League express its views on two queries by the committee.

The first question is: “Whether rioting, looting, and burning are compatible with the American system of government and whether they will serve to advance the interests of Negro citizens in the United States."

The National Urban League has repeatedly gone on record as opposing violence and rioting. We submit a statement in which we joined with other organizations in expressing this viewpoint.' In the light of the deaths, injuries, arrests, and destruction of Negro-owned property this past summer, it is obvious that the interests of Negro citizens are not advanced by riots. This is recognized by the overwhelming proportion of Negro citizens who did not participate in such activities this summer.

It would be a mistake, however, to expect the millions of Americans who have been denied equal rights and who suffer from prejudice, discrimination, jobless

1 See pp. 768, 769.

ness, inadequate housing and education, poor health, and a myriad of other
social ills based on poverty and racial discrimination to bear their lot in silence.
Their anger at the obvious injustice of their plight and at the lack of massive
programs which would end poverty and racism must be recognized. So long as
people feel they have nothing to lose, appeals to logic and reason will fail.
The question is not, then, whether rioting is “compatible with the American
system of government,” but whether the American system of government has
been as flexible and as energetic as it should be in including all American citi-
zens in the fruits of our society. If we were to take immediate steps to end the
racial gap which condemns a disproportionate number of Negro citizens to
poverty and inadequate necessities of life, we would not have to worry about
The second question posed by the chairman is: “Whether or not Communists
sincerely have the interests of the Negro at heart and Negroes therefore can
. them and work with them in their efforts to achieve full equality in this
In every country in which there exists a poor and downtrodden group in the
population, the Communists have found their strength in that group. In every
country that is, but the United States. The Communist Party has spent much
time and effort in wooing the Negro population, all to no avail. If anything,
its appeal to the Negro population in the United States has been less than
with any other group of citizens.
Negro citizens do not want to change the American way of life. The whole
history of Negro efforts to secure equality is an indication that Negro citizens
desire, above all else, inclusion on an equal basis in American society.
There is little evidence that Communists have any significant influence on
the civil rights movement. Their record is not one which inspires trust among
Negro citizens, and Negro citizens do not accept them and do not work with
The National Urban League welcomes this opportunity to comply with a
request for information by a committee of the United States Congress. The
National Urban League, Inc., is a professional community service organization
committed to securing equal opportunities for Negroes and other minorities
in all areas of American life. It is nonpartisan and interracial in its leadership
and staff.
[The joint statement referred to on p. 767 follows:]

From : Public Relations Department, National Urban League, 55 East 52nd
Street, New York, N.Y. 10022, (212) 751–0302.
Contact: Guichard Parris.
The following is the text of a statement issued jointly by, Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr., A. Philip Randolph, Roy Wilkins, and Whitney M. Young, Jr., on
July 26, 1967, and released from the headquarters offices of the NAACP—20
West 40th Street, New York City:
Developments in Newark, Detroit and other strife-torn cities make it crystal
clear that the primary victims of the riot are the Negro citizens. That they
have grave grievances of longstanding, cannot be denied or minimized. That
the riots have not contributed in any substantial measure to the eradication
of these just complaints, is by now obvious to all.
We are confident that the overwhelming majority of the Negro community
joins us in opposition to violence in the streets. Who is without the necessities
of life when the neighborhood stores are destroyed and looted? Whose children
are without milk because deliveries cannot be made? Who loses wages because
of a breakdown in transportation or destruction of the place of employment?
Who are the dead, the injured and the imprisoned? It is the Negroes who pay
and pay and pay, whether or not they are individually involved in the rioting.
And what for?
Killing, arson and looting are criminal acts and should be dealt with as such.
Equally guilty are those who incite, provoke, and call specifically for such action.
There is no injustice which justifies the present destruction of the Negro com-
munity and its people.
we who have fought so long and so hard to achieve justice for all Americans
have consistently opposed violence as a means of redress. Riots have proved in-
effective, disruptive and highly damaging to the Negro population, to the civil
rights cause, and to the entire nation. We call upon Negro citizens throughout
the nation to forego the temptation to disregard the law. This does not mean

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that we should submit tamely to joblessness, inadequate housing, poor schooling, insult, humiliation and attack. It does require a re-doubling of efforts through legitimate means to end these wrongs and disabilities. We appeal not only to black Americans, but also to our fellow white citizens who are not blameless. The disabilities imposed upon Negro citizens are a century old. They remain because the white citizenry in general supports these restrictions. The 90th Congress has exhibited an incredible indifference to hardships of the ghetto dwellers. Only last week, the House defeated a rat-control bill which would have enabled the cities to get rid of the rats which infest the slums. And finally, we fully support President Johnson's call “upon all our people (black and white alike) in all our cities to join in a determined program to maintain law and order, to condemn and to combat lawlessness in all its forms, and firmly to show by word and deed that riot, looting and public disorder will just not be tolerated.” No one benefits under mob law. Let's end it now ! Mr. TUCK. The committee will recess until 2:30. (Whereupon, at 12:35 p.m., Wednesday, October 25, 1967, the committee was recessed, to reconvene at 2:30 p.m. the same day.)


(The subcommittee reconvened at 2:20 p.m., Hon. William M. Tuck presiding. Subcommittee members present: Representatives Tuck and Ashbrook.)

Mr. TUCK. The committee will please come to order.

Mr. McNamara, will you call the next witness, please?

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. Evelle J. Younger, please.

Mr. TUCK. Do you solemnly swear that you will tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, to the best of your knowledge and belief?

Mr. YoUNGER. I do.


*. McNawana. Will you state your full name and address for the Iecord & Mr. YoUNGER. Evelle J. Younger. I reside in Los Angeles at 2461 Chiselhurst Drive. Mr. McNAMARA. Will you state your position, Mr. Younger? Mr. YoUNGER. District attorney, Los Angeles County. Mr. MCNAMARA. Will you give the committee a brief résumé of your educational background? Mr. YoUNGER. I grew up in Nebraska, attended public schools there, and got my A.B. and LL.B. degrees from the University of Nebraska. I j graduate work in criminology at Northwestern University. Mr. McNAMARA. And your professional background? Mr. YoUNGER. Following my studies at N orthwestern, I entered the FBI as a special agent. I was employed in that capacity until after Pearl Harbor, when I was in the so for 4 years, serving with the Counterintelligence Corps and with the Office of Strategic Services. I was later recalled during the Korean war, serving with the Air Force in the Office of Special Investigation. I am now the research director of OSI of the U.S. Air Force Reserve. Following World War II, I was, in turn, deputy city attorney in Los Angeles, in the Criminal Division; prosecuting attorney in the

city of Pasadena; and on the municipal and superior courts in Los Angeles for 11 years before I became district attorney in 1964.

Mr. McNAMARA. In the course of your work as a law enforcement officer, have you had occasion to have experience with rioters and rioting?

Mr. YOUNGER. Yes. Our first major involvement, of course, was with the Watts riots. Having been involved actively in that insofar as the handling of the approximately 3,500 felony cases was concerned-1 should say 2,500 felony prosecutions, and the attendant problems of court calendar, physical movement of prisoners, and so forth, I developed quite a professional interest in cause and effect and followed the other subsequent riots quite closely, through the papers and also through our own investigative sources.

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. Younger, as a law enforcement officer and the head of the largest public prosecutor's office in the United States, how would you describe or classify a riot!

Mr. YOUNGER. A riot, as I use the term, and without regard to Webster's definition, involves thousands of people engaged in burning, looting, assault, and murder.

A riot, as opposed to an unlawful demonstration or civil disobedience, also involves a complete breakdown of law and order. Whatever else a riot is-racial protest, rebellion, social revolution—it most certainly is one tremendous crime spree.

Mr. McNAMARA. Riots have plagued society for centuries, and there are certain social, economic, and political conditions which have long been recognized as basic elements in a riot situation.

In your opinion, however, is there a new element in our culture which has contributed to the wave of rioting that has taken place in this country during the past few years?

Mr. YOUNGER. In part, riots are excesses attributable to widespread disobedience of, and lack of respect for, law and order. There has not been a time in our recent history when the rule of law was so in jeonardy-not just from militant extremists, but from citizens in all walks of life and all levels of society,

Many Americans regularly and openly disobey laws they don't like. To them the traditional method of seeking changes in the law by urging legislative action seems old fashioned.

We have been experiencing a number of actions by persons who resort to physically coercive methods to effect change which, in effect, amount to a repudiation of the orderly governmental procese-professors and clergymen urging young men to resist military service; the editor of the UCLA student newspaper urging students to violate the laws against the use of marijuana: public figures advocating a refusal to pay taxes because the Government finances programs with which they disagree.

These are all examples of conduct which tend to encourage rebellion against all authority, especially among those persons who are not well enough educated or sufficiently sophisticated in their thinking to discern the difference between the classic concept of civil disobedience and the idea of simply breaking laws to accomplish an end which they seek.

It is one thing to deliberately violate a specific law which is believed to be unconstitutional for the purpose of testing that larr's constitutionality, but it is an entirely different thing to advocate rioting and law

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