On ano by leaving her neighbours alone, telling them in which its author has placed it. that they might manage their own affairs as ther occasion, Lord Palmerston said :— they might choose, provided they left her un molested? Lord Palmerston did not boldly meet Sir Robert Peel's assertion of principles; but he stated in reply that it became necessary that the understanding between Spain and Portugal as to the expulsion of the princes, should be recorded in a treaty; and, "it was therefore deemed expedient by the governments of France and England to adopt the agreement, and to adopt parties to the treaty concluded between these powers." Beseeching attention to the word in italics we would ask wherefore? Could illogical ingenuity devise a more remarkable non se quitur? But Lord Palmerston proceeded to show, from the preamble, "That the immediate object of the treaty was to establish internal peace in the peninsula, and the means by which it proposed to effect that object was, the expulsion of Don Carlos and Don Miguel from Portugal. When Carlos returned to Spain it was thought necessary to frame the additional articles." "In former periods, Spain had been connected with different countries; at one time with Austria, at another time with France. should be neither an Austrian Spain nor a The object was, that for the future there French Spain, but a Spain which should be Spanish If Spain was to be important in the balance of power, it was neces sary that she should be rich and independent. -She could not be so under such a government as that of Ferdinand, (or Don Car. los.)"* Surely, the noble lord's views are not here very clearly stated. It is true that the Kings of Spain have been successively of the House of Austria, and of the House of Bourbon; of the family which furnishes sovereigns to an important portion of Germany and Italy, and of the family of the Kings of France. Lord Palmerston approves of neither one of these connections, but would make Spain, Spanish. This would be more intelligible al some noble Castilian, equally unconnected if he were labouring to place in the Escuri. with Vienna and Paris. But he will make Spain independent! How? By giving her Now, leaving the First Lord of the Trea- a government incapable of maintaining itsury and the Secretary for Foreign Affairs self without foreign aid. To make Spain to settle between them what their joint object independent, we have already said, is not our really was, we will admit, in argument, fair if it were, we must set about it in anothat the object of the treaty was, to maintain ther manner. the constitutional governments in both kingdoms, and to effect the pacification of the whole peninsula. We admit with Lord Palmerston that there was a complete identification of interests between Queen Isabella and William IV. We admit the fact of the connection, but contend that it was useless and burdensome. Our secretary contended, in the same speech, that when there is a civil war, all writers on the law of nations agreed that other powers ight take part with either of the two belligerents. It is possible that passages to this effect may be found in systematic writers, though not, as we suspect, without the condition annexed, that the safety or essential interests of the stranger requires that interference; but let jurists have said what they may, we hold by the doctrine of Lord Aberdeen, that "No war is justifiable which is not either strictly a war of defence, or one in which the interests involved are of such magnitude as fairly to give it a defensive character." But we have still one more authorised version of the treaty, and, as the speech which contains it is the latest and the most elaborate, we presume that it is the favourite of its author. It was clear, said Lord Palmerston in the last Session,† that out of the change made by Ferdinand in the internal institutions of Spain, must arise "a change in the tendencies of its external policy.' From Ferdinand's death, there was a change in the policy of Spain as to Portugal. 66 the contest that was going on in Portugal. 'Englard had at first remained neutral in What was then our language to Spain? We said to the Spanish government, If you send armed men across the frontier of Portugal to assist Don Miguel, the British fleet in the Tagus will instantly co-operate with the forces of Donna Maria; if you do not send troops and do not otherwise interfere, we will not take part in the contest.' What was the result? Spain remained pas * March 10, 1837, Parl. Deb. xxxvii. 267. We wish to view the treaty in every light (xxxvii. 1410) Mr. Maclean quoted as Heeren's, March 18, 1836, xxxii, 387. a passage from our 19th vol. p. 184. It was our comment upon Heeren. sive, and England continued neutral.*-Af- Į But Lord Palmerston's speculations were ter Ferdinand's death, the new Spanish gov- much deeper. ernment sent to request England to assist in expelling Don Miguel from Portugal and to! "The establishment of Don Carlos on the establish Donna Maria ;-because Don Car- throne of Spain would be incompatible with los was in Spain organizing an army. Eng the independence, the security and 'tranquilland refused; 'We will not comply with your lity of France; and thus peace would be de. request, we will not give the military assist- stroyed in the rest of Europe." ance you desire to the cause of Donna Maria. We have taken our line of policy and from that line we do not intend to depart. We will however give you something which will be of advantage to you. We will give you a treaty.'" And then comes what we suppose we must take for the explanation of the therefe in the former speech. The expulsion of Carlos required a treaty between Spain and Portugal. England said, These distant speculations are justified by a story (to which, however, the noble Secre tary does not pledge himself)-—that when Charles X. was dethroned in 1830, and some of the Continental powers thought of interfer. ing, one of them sent to invite Spain (then under the government of Ferdinand) to send 40,000 men across the Pyrenees while France We suppose was attacked on the Rhine. that the far-fetched inference is, that so soon as the Continental powers saw a government in Spain, supposed to sympathise in their views, they would attack France, and Spain would give them powerful aid. Or is it that Spain would quarrel with France, and the Continental powers assist her? Passing over the novelty of this overween. ing anxiety lest France should be attacked and embarrassed-for we do not desire war anywhere-we ask whether the possible occurrence of this confederacy against France, which did not occur, under those which are represented as similar circumstances, can be seriously adduced as a motive for our interference in Spain? The treaty, it is added, produced the surrender of Miguel. It was thus Lord Palmerston's expectation, that the union of England and France, and Spain and Portugal, in one Does Lord Palmerston think that, if we common, though temporary object, would do away all the causes of enmity and rivalry let Spain alone, the Spaniards will place Don between these respective states. France Carlos upon the throne? If that is his opi and England, so far as we know, were going nion, he must talk no more of his liberal and on very well together; there was, at least, popular principles; but he has said, we be as much sympathy between them, as be- lieve, that the majority is with the Queen. tween either of them and any other govern- Then, where is the danger? What chance ment; and in order to improve this good un-is there of a Carlist government? And in derstanding they make stipulations, not equal, this, and in all such cases whatever, we ask not very clear or definite,-not limited in how much of probability is there that when duration, except by an event of incalculable occurence. We should have said, à priori, and we are sure that those who are acquainted with the history of alliancest will say too that a trea. ty of this sort was more likely to lead to the breach than the improvement of friendship. And so it is that the only known differences between France and England have arisen out of this very transaction. *We have no space for the Portuguese question; but we cannot admit that the English gov ernment was bona fide neutral in the contests between Pedro and Miguel; they professed neutrality, but took no pains to enforce it. And they encouraged France to oppress Portugal; and would not give her the benefit of the treaties with England, of which, nevertheless, they compelled her to perform her part. † See F. Q. R. vol xix. p. 135. the events occur against which we are pro viding-if they do occur-our friends and our enemies, our preferences and our wishes, our points of interest and security, will still be the same. We have scarcely room for the two topics which remain-Colonel Evan' legion, and our discussions with France. We know that works may be quoted against us, but we are clearly of opinion that a state ought not to permit its subjects to engage in a war, except under circumstances which would authorize the employment of the na. tional troops; and therefore condemning the interference in the internal affairs of Spainas not being required by paramount and unequivocal English interests-we necessarily condemn the permission to private persons to serve the Queen. Lord Melbourne holds, that "no obstacle should be thrown in the M. Thiers. "Quant à notre alliance avec way of those who are desirous of engaging l'Angleterre, elle en est considèrablement in war, and who were desirous of learning that which was merely a practical art!"* If this were the motive of the prime minister, why were the scholars restricted to one school? The permission ought in this view to be gen eral. powers,† and of its beneficial effect upon the world, until he treats of it in reference to Spain: and then, it has developed in our near ally an "inexplicable policy"—"a fast and loose policy"-"a Machiavelian policy;" and it is distinctly affirmed that France has turned her back upon England. amoindrie. . . . L'Angleterre est désormais bien avertie qu'elle ne peut plus compter sur vous qui lui aviez promis de co-opérer avec elle dans cette question très difficile où elle est engagée, et dangereusement engagée si elle ne réussit pas .... vous avez l'AngleBut if the defeat of Don Carlos, and the terre avertie qu'elle ne peut pas compter sur establishment of the Queen's government in la France dans une situation difficile, et averSpain, really is of so much importance as tie qu'elle n'a à songer qu'à ses propres inour ministers have taught us to believe, how térêts."* Let it not be said that this is the sadly have we neglected our duty in sending speech of an ex-minister. It is adopted as these volunteers only! Don Carlos, says the creed of an English diplomate, whose Lord Palmerston, is not Napoleon; a small- views of Spanish affairs are commended by er force is sufficient to expel him. But we our Foreign Minister. According to this have not expelled him. Our force is not writer the effect of the Quadruple Treaty sufficient. We have not tranquillized Spain. upon the relations of France and England We have not made Spain independent and has not been friendship, but estrangement. rich! Just in proportion as one admits Lord He speaks loudly of the union of those two Palmerston's estimate of the importance of the Quadruple Alliance must he calculate the disgrace of its failure. Or if it be true (as it probably is) that no exertion which we could make would really effect the pacification of Spain, where is the wisdom of engaging, without any limitation of time, to attempt it? Yet while these hard words are launched Lord Palmerston, as Foreign Secretary, at Louis-Philippe, it cannot be said that he has properly said very little of his discussions has violated the treaty; he is justified by its with France; but he has lauded without qua- letter, and he has an equal right with Lord lification a pamphlett which is more explicit. Palmerston to interpret its spirit. Yet we The speeches of Louis Philippe himself--one may say, either he has failed in his performof them condemning us in no unequivocal ance, or we failed egregiously in our stipulalanguage, for the matter of the legion-in- tion. dicate pretty clearly a difference of opinion, and no very friendly feeling. But the advocate of the ministerial policy in Spain has no reserve, unless it be in the use of one diplo. matic figure of speech, whereby he "has no right to doubt" that which he intends us positively to disbelieve. It is quite clear, according to this favoured writer, that France has separated herself from England in the matter of the Quadruple Alliance. And the same announcement was distinctly made by * March 18, 1836 xxxii. 395. + The Policy of England towards Spain. I "I entertain the most sincere desire for the consolidation of the throne of Isabella II., and trust that the constitutional monarchy will triumph over the perils with which it is threatened. But I applaud myself for having preserved France from sacrifices, the extent of which cannot be appreciated, and from the incalculable consequences of any armed intervention in the internal affairs of the peninsula. France reserves the blood of her children for her own cause, and when she is reduced to the painful necessity of summoning them to shed that blood in her defence, it is only under our own glorious colours that the soldiers of France march to battle."— [December 27, 1836.] $ Page 149. VOL. XXI. 28 The author of the pamplet does not hesitate to say, that if France had in June, 1835, made the movement beyond the frontier which England recommended, the object of the alliance would have been accomplished. The writer here speaks with a degree of confidence which no knowledge can justify; but surely, if so slight an effort on the part of France would picify Spain, and that pa. cification has really the importance which our ministers ascribe to it, it is their duty to make greater efforts to attain it. And if the favoured of Lord Palmerston is good autho rity, England could of herself annihilate the Carlists. If this be so, which, however, we greatly doubt, the ministers are traitors to the interests which they acknowledge. Now what is the result of the policy of the Whigs? They made a treaty to pacify Spain, and ves to strengthen their intimacy with France. They have not pacified Spain; and they have * Speech of M. Thiers, January 14, 1837, created a cause of difference with France to the Quadruple Treaty, by the payment of last as long as their treaty. And though one sum of money to the Queen of Spain; they do not advance one step towards their and return to that "imperturbable neutrality" object, they are obliged, even now that the which Mr. Canning enforced and practised. tragical episode of the legion is at an end, to feed at some expense an unfruitful warfare. France has found out her error, and her engagements, more cautiously framed than ours, permit her to withdraw without a breach of faith, leaving us alone in the scrape. Our alliance, therefore, may be said to have been already dissolved, even as to its primary object. What right then have we to expect that it should be operative for those more indefinite and speculative purposes which Lord Palmerston had in view? We say, which Lord Palmerston had in view, for it is not the least remarkable part of this transaction, that its most interested motives, and most considerable ends, have never been publicly acknowledged, save by one only of the parties. ART. VI.-1. Nederlandsche Legenden in Rijm gebracht (Netherland Legends versified), by M. J. van Lennep. 6 Vols. 8vo. Amsterdam, 1832. 3. 3. 4. Surely, if there be any truth in the history, which, not for party purposes, but in the shape of a systematic treatise, we lately. gave of our continental connections, the 5. Quadruple Treaty is obnoxious to every ob jection made upon principle, and illustrative, 6. in its results, of the soundness of our doctrine. Viewed as a speculative scheme for making friends, to be useful in some unknown and unforeseen situation of affairs, it bears some resemblance to Mr. Pitt's Triple Alliance of 1788; but that alliance commenced with success, whereas this—we speak of the extended treaty of August-has had no result but controversial if not angry discussion between the principal allies, and unfruitful expedition, and an useless expense. AT a very early period of our labours* we thought it incumbent to communicate to our readers the astounding fact, that the dykes, ditches, and marshes of Holland boast their Parnassus! Nor is it perhaps a fact less startingly inconsistent with our national opinion and ideal of a Dutchman, that those votaries of the muse who steal a few hours In the former case, a war soon arose, out from money-making, or from needful recreof causes altogether unforeseen, and under ation amongst tulips and tobacco, to climb circumstances entirely new. Our ally has the forked hill, are loved and honoured in soon been numbered among our enemies. that most trafficking of communities, instead We will not deal in the speculation which our principles teach us to mistrust, by pointing at a quarter in which an enemy may appear; but we would ask Lord Palmerston to point out the possible enemy, formidable to our maritime, colonial, or commercial interests, against which our partners in the Quadruple Treaty would cordially assist us. But waving all these more general considerations, and looking only to the pacification of Spain, let us do one of two things. If the object is really important, and if it might (as we are told) be accomplished by one considerable exertion, let ministers go boldly to parliament for the means, and do that upon which, they say, the peace of the world depends. If not, let them disengage us from * Vol. xix. of being hooted for pursuing an idle trade, as is the excellent and established practice of our own land. Yet so it is. Vondel and Cats amongst elder poets, Bilderdyk and Tollens amongst the living-i. e. when we last turned our eyes their way—are assuredly not the names in which their countrymen take least pride. Since we thus wrote, the Dutch literary world has experienced changes; Bilderdyk, fondly denominated the Dutch Göthe, is, like his prototype, dead, and Tollens has ceased to publish. But, to supply their places, a new swarm of poets has appeared, inspired, it may be, in some measure by patriotic zeal to redeem their native lan guage from the obloquy cast upon it by their former fellow-snbjects, the Belgians, in the vanity of half Gallicism, at the time of sepa-, model, however delightful that model in itself. ration; and as their German King Leopold Scott's excellences are of a kind to superhas lately discovered that Belgian indepen. dence must be a non-entity if not Teutonic, he is accordingly endeavouring to revive the old Flemish or Low German language in his dominions. sede the very highest strains of genius. His vivid graphic touches, the drama of his scenes, the s rong individuality of his personages, and the living spirit of his verse, hurry the reader along, leaving him no leisure to But our business is with the literature of miss the depth of thought or those loftiest Holland, and to that we return. The writer powers of poetry which seem the native now in activity, to borrow a French idiom, element of Shakspeare and Byron. In all and who has most nearly succeeded to Bil- his imitators we have invariably felt this want derdyk's popularity, is Van Lennep, at this of a rich, high, and glowing tone; and Van moment one of the chief law officers of the Lennep, though far from deficient in general crown, and formerly mentioned as a promis-powers, though he describes faithfully, and ing poet, known by his translations. He brings the past strongly before us-though has, however, long since discarded the lite- his characters are well-conceived and indirary go-cart of translation, and although apvidualized, and his verse spirited-is no exparently aspiring less to actual originality ception from the rule. than to the title of a Dutch Walter Scott, has set forward independently in the various paths of the poet, the novelist, and the comic dramatist, following his great prototype both in the selection and treatment of his subjects. We shall speak of him in his several capacities, and first, in due order, as a poet. Van Lennep possesses considerable poetic powers, but he has not happily selected his The Netherland Legends are, as the name imports, all founded upon the early history of the Seven Provinces; we select Adegild, not as superior to the War with Flanders, but because the placing of the scene amongst the heathen Frisians, gives it more originality. The poem opens with the celebrated answer of the Frisian King to the missionary about to baptize him. The Monarch spake; and dread the words of fear What boots, for me, your paradise divine, Here I remain, and with my people dwell, The Frisian spoke, and with indignant look Snatched from prompt hands the fur-lined mantle warm, The rite was o'er-the grateful choral strain, The hymn of praise, to-night was said in vain- * "Return so soon, blest Lord!-fulfilled each rite?- Thus Grimwald, taunting, sought the royal ear, Two of the principal characters being thus introduced, the story of the poem may be brefly dispa tched. It turns upon the neces sity of Ming Ra Ibod's atoning for his intend. ed apostacy, by a human sacrifice. To procure victims, he sends out his son, Adegild, upon a Viking expedition, under the control of Grimwald. They capture a vessel, on board of which are a Christian Prince and Princess of Northumberland, with a suite of ecclesiastics. Adegild and Grimwald quarrel about the treatment of their prisoners, and |